The corruption and lies seem to become tactile entities with the power to shift human consciousness and control the very nature of what is and is not.
He who accepts his poverty unhurt Id say is rich although he lacked a shirt But
Our story begins when their lives end. One question remains; will any surrender to the ever growing deceptions or will they escape the void of light and breathe life once again? Elicia Clegg gradually moves the reader into a murder mystery then makes a huge left and takes you on a completely different path. There are so many twists and turns, you will never be bored reading this book. The book follows five troubled teenagers Beth, Michael, Christopher, Leigh and Suzy who are dealing with very complicated issues.
Out in the world they marveled that they were found acceptable to others, after years of being castigated as unsatisfactory, disappointing. Though castigated by the Catholic Church, illegitimacy was scarcely an unusual feature of country life. For my lack of missionary zeal, I have been castigated by a few militant atheists, who are irritated by my disinclination to try persuading people to abandon their faith that God exists while some religious people regard me as a militant atheist intent on promoting worship of unspecified "secular idols".
The parents will castigate their children if they stay out too late again. Suffice to say that a soap star can be publicly castigated for speaking lines she only read. They challenged kings, they castigated the people and they even argued with God!!! Posted by Unknown at AM.
Labels: castigate antonym , castigate definition , castigate example , castigate meaning , castigate sentence , castigate synonym , castigate usage. Newer Post Older Post Home. In hagiographical terms, self-disclosure was one further step toward mortification. We can obviously never know if their desire was to be discovered, but the point is that conventual life constrained the way their subjectivity could be staged and organized its betrayal, notably though the promiscuity of everyday life, especially in the first years of each community, when reputations were made and when proper conventual buildings usually did not exist.
Besides, if necessary, God would help to disclose a saintly reputation and outstrip any effort made to keep it secret. This was a commonplace when it came to the exteriorization of spiritual graces and ecstasy . In spiritual autobiographies, mystical ecstasies were not presented as a reward for perfection but as a gift which could not be declined. Mysticism, even though it could undoubtedly be recognised as a proof of sanctity among the community, did not openly counter the self-depreciating speeches nuns were meant to make about themselves.
However, this stress on secrecy which is prominent in nun's accounts and hagiographies should probably not be overestimated. The routinization of regular life and the fact that something of every nuns' intimacy was disclosed diluted these requirements.
Besides, there were more explicit ways to express penitential desires, such as castigating the few body parts that were not hidden behind the habit. Some nuns carried out penitential exercises that focused on their face and their hands. A nun from the convent of Cuenca, Mariana de San Angelo had the strange habit of tearing her eyelashes off in an effort to "deface herself", according to the chronicle of the convent . A Portuguese pupil of John of the Cross from the convent of Segovia also used to rip her eyelashes off, and bring poultry droppings into her cell .
This founder of the Descalzas Reales of the order of saint Clare in Madrid claimed that she often washed the convent dustbin with her bare hands, to the point that it was impossible for her to get rid of the filth . Ana de Palma, a nun from Toledo who took care of the convent's garbage, enjoyed keeping her delicate hands polluted by the kitchen water . Paciencia de San Lorenzo once washed her hands in a bowl containing a sick nun's vomit Bautista de Lanuza, The founding mother of the convent of Beas used to clean her face with the poultry's water to blacken her complexion .
By doing so these nuns perhaps reinterpreted traditional gestures of public mortification, such as the habit of covering your face in ashes, an Old Testament tradition that was commonly reactivated in Spanish convents. They also explicitly taunted the official canons of beauty of the early modern age, as they focused on their hands and white faces. Such practices, although not exceptional were uncommon, no doubt because they were too explicit. These can be interpreted as a response to the mundane culture of make-up and perfume that was spreading among the Spanish elite.
Indeed, these practices were usually associated with nuns coming from the upper circles of society, and are probably a sign that it was easier for them to play on the margins of conventual norms. Still, there is no doubt that nuns were careful with this discrepancy between exterior and inner beauty. The founder of the reformed Carmelite order, Teresa of Avila, explicitly referred to such a contradiction in a discussion with her niece Beatriz de Ovalle. Underlying this play on beauty and social status, such practices of defacement relied on the devotional commonplace of the ugliness of sin and were a speechless and public act of self-assertion.
Still, they remain ambiguous, especially the blackening of complexion. From that perspective, ugly faces and ripped clothes no longer indicated a wretched and uncontrolled soul but were considered a prophylactic and humiliating image meant to hide interiority. In other words, self-defacement was a way to voice and reveal a so-called truth of the soul and it managed to accommodate this self-denying speech with the idea it could indeed cover-up the great treasure of a perfectly humble soul. Both the sincerity of the penitent nun and the necessary difference between what was revealed and what was perceived of interiority remained safe.
Finally, monastic tradition did provide situations in which the constraint on the exteriorization of sin could be lightened, for public punishments in the chapter room or in the refectory were considered edifying shows. Chronicles always praise nuns wearing wooden crosses, kissing the feet of other members of their community, eating stale bread on the ground, standing with their arms spread-eagled or laid in the entrance of the room in the hope of being stepped on .
These public acts of humiliation were usually performed by the prioress or by prominent members of the community, on specific occasions — specifically Good Friday — to illustrate how experienced nuns excelled at self-denial exercises. Teresa of Avila was praised for walking on all fours on the ground of the refectory, carrying rubble on her back, and being guided by a younger nun as if she were a mare .
This impressive yet classic practice " hacer el borriquito "  no doubt strengthened her reputation especially since she was already a recognized madre and such an exercise was probably no longer necessary to assert herself. Still, performing mortifying acts in front of others was one of the best ways to build a reputation and affirm your authority inside the convent, provided you were no longer suspected of being driven by vanity or careerism. Anyone could ask for a license to perform public mortification in front of the whole community and such customs were also considered edifying practices for the novices.
Indeed, for those plagued by scruples and fear for their salvation, public punishment may have been a way to embrace penance without fear of the judgments of others.
It was hopefully a reassuring moment of coincidence between what they displayed and what was perceived. Moreover, the cathartic and theatrical dimension of these performances should not be undervalued. Sin was considered a distortion and defacement of interiority for it blurred the image of God which had been stamped or printed in the deepest folds of the soul when it was created. In acting like an animal, in wearing hair shirts, in blackening their complexion, in revealing their inner ugliness, penitent nuns were not only disclosing the false images they had been following, they were casting them out and washing away their sin, liberating their interior from these chains.
He who accepts his poverty unhurt id say is rich
This transition via public penance is crucial to understand how the satisfaction of this desire for punishment, which is so common in conventual hagiography, loosened their anxiety because the community and especially the superiors took over the responsibility for their salvation. Comments on their performances were probably common. While in Cuerva, Isabel de San Alberto knelt in a pathetic show, stripped of her religious cloth and wearing a gross tunic, her hands crossed on her shoulders and triggered compassion among the community.
The chronicle significantly insists on her angelic beauty in that moment, especially because she blushed with shame . Both this passion for punishment and subjection and the hope that your humility would be acknowledged encouraged many nuns to take advantage of the leeway provided by conventual life to publicize their humiliation and accept the judgment their peers would make.
From that perspective, subjection to the authority of the prior should not be considered as yet another proof of the depersonalizing and self-destructive tendencies of religious life, but as a necessary means to balance and articulate the incorporation of often contradictory norms, the integration within the community and the protection of the souls which required guidance.
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In return, these superiors should be prudent and discrete and take care to discern and evaluate what was fit for each nun they supervised. For that same reason, confessors were required to be discrete in their discernment of each soul and superiors were often credited with the extraordinary gift of reading souls and always knowing what they could hide .
This shift from strict protective enclosure to complete disclosure restricted to the confessor and the superiors was one of the best solutions to strengthening the hierarchical and authoritarian function convents were built upon. Submission to the personal and discrete authority of the superiors was a negotiation, a discussion, and a discernment of what was considered the right behaviour in each community for each individual nun, favouring the adjustment between personal demands and the uniformity of common life. It was also a channel between each nun and the whole convent which would adjust its own judgment with the superiors' opinion.
In the long-run, it shaped every reputation within the community. Authority, life in common, and the dialectics of self-denial and self-disclosure were deeply entangled because they were crucial to the functioning of convents as institutions. On the one hand, the terrifying discourses on the dangers that threatened the Christian soul, the propagation of sin, and the resort to penance were necessary to strengthen personal ties within the convent because they forced nuns to entrust one another with their own salvation.
The proliferation of scruples and the fear of damnation encouraged nuns to disclose their anxiety, as hiding them was considered a temptation which could be fatal. Besides, conventual life was regulated by a set of complex and often contradictory injunctions rule, constitutions, hagiographic models, obedience to the superiors, zeal and moderation, discretion and emulation, etc. Social relationships within the community were constantly adjusting to these contradictions.
The necessary negotiation of what was considered right behaviour shaped social relationships within each community and contributed to the establishment of each nun's reputation. This common interpretation of the rule also legitimized the pre-eminence of experienced nuns and the power given to superiors both inside and outside the convent. Therefore, the respect of impersonal and collective rules did not directly guarantee the stability of conventual life but fashioned personal relationships of authority and fidelity that were crucial to conventual stability, in this case between every nun, especially the younger ones, and their superiors.
In the final analysis, the strong and personal ties maintained within the conventual community relied on a constrained and very restricted subjectification of these personal anxieties, whose acknowledgment was paradoxically a sign of sanctity. On the other hand, this building of sanctity through the expression of sin also legitimized the convent as a prominent institution in early modern societies. The idea that sin and heresy were proliferating, and the exigency of purification this implied, endorsed the idea that the order and fate of the Hispanic monarchy hinged on respect for a natural and divine order.
This classic naturalization and divinization of social order legitimized every institution in the early modern era. Convents sustained familial strategies and honour by welcoming women who could not or would not be married and conventual prayers and penance were addressed to the salvation of the realm, the king, the local community, and the growing number of individuals who founded chapels and masses. In both cases, the efficiency of the institution relied on the idea that nuns were the closest persons to perfection and for that reason they had God's ear. As we've seen, these collective representations weighed on the processes of subjectification of these nuns and were in the meantime constantly reactivated, maintained, and reinforced by what these women revealed of their own experience.
for my sins
This joint formation of subjectivity is typical of how institutions perpetuate themselves through the shaping of each individual's agency Douglas, From that perspective, the expression of subjectivity and the exteriorization of mortification inside Spanish convents, no matter how constrained they were, should not be considered as simply tactics of individual resistance to the depersonalizing forces of total institutions but as a critical necessity these institutions were built upon, for this process of subjectification wove threads that articulated self-expression all the way to the very foundations of society.
Obviously, the fact that Platter was a Calvinist has a lot to do with his denunciation of Spanish religious ceremonies. One time on the day of S. Dionisio Areopagita, he tormented her so much with the idea that she was doomed and that, while she was living, she was only adding one sin after the other, fostering her own damnation, that it felt like the best solution was to end with her life. In that moment, the devil appeared in the air with a dreadful face, holding a rope in his hand. For instance the very diffused Luis de Granada This is a commonplace.
Datos sobre algunas madres de Beas, Archivo Silveriano Burgos , mss.
Informaciones sobre algunos religiosos y algunas carmelitas, BNE, mss. BNE, f o 8v. See also Informaciones sobre algunos religiosos y algunas carmelitas, BNE, mss. Informaciones sobre los religiosos y religiosas carmelitas descalzos del reyno de Portugal , BNE, mss. Also see f o r. Ct 1, 4. Santas costumbres del monasterio del Carmen descalzo de Segovia, f o 8r. Submitted: 5 April Teresianum, Roma. FX de Guibert, Paris. Biblioteca de Autores Cristianos, Madrid.
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Archives de sciences sociales des religions, Joseph de Zaragoza. La Puyada, Saragosse. Lanaja y Lamarca, Saragosse. Pedro Lanaja y Lamarca, Saragosse. Aubier, Paris. Millon, Grenoble. Cornell University Press, Ithaca. Vrin, Paris. Yale University Press, New Haven. Theories in Subjection.
There With Him Rode A Gentle Pardoner…
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