Liberty, he says, is the right to do anything the law permits. But so many things could be made illegal that there would still be no liberty. Freedom consists in Edition: current; Page: [  ] individual rights; social rights, on the other hand, provide constitutional security. It is in fact a principle of constitutional guarantee. It aims to prevent any individual from seizing the authority which belongs only to the political society as a whole. It determines nothing, however, about the nature of this authority itself.
It in no way adds to the sum of individual liberties, therefore, and if we do not turn to other principles for determining the extent of this sovereignty, freedom could be lost, despite the principle of the sovereignty of the people, or even because of it. It means that no one has the right to stop someone else doing what the law does not forbid. It does not explain, however, what the law is or is not justified in forbidding.
Now, it seems to me that this is exactly where freedom resides. It consists only in what individuals have the right to do and society has no right to prevent. Since the time of M. Beccaria, in his treatise On Offenses and Punishments , 23 and Condorcet, in Commentaries on Public Education , 24 have reasoned from opposite principles. Franklin produced a pamphlet seeking Edition: current; Page: [  ] to show that we should have the smallest extent of government possible.
People still speak endlessly of a power without limits residing in the people or its leaders, as of a thing beyond doubt; and the author of certain essays on morality and politics has recently reproduced, in support of absolute power, all the arguments of Rousseau on sovereignty. The Constituent Assembly, at the start, seemed to recognize individual rights, independent of society. Such was the origin of the Declaration of Rights. The Assembly, however, soon deviated from this principle. It set the example by pursuing individual existence into its most intimate retreats.
It was imitated and surpassed by the governments which replaced it. The party men, however pure their intentions, are bound to detest the limitation of political authority. They see themselves as its presumptive heirs and tend to look after their future property even when it is in the hands of their enemies. They distrust this or that kind of government, or such and such a class of governing politicians, but just let them organize government Edition: current; Page: [  ] in their own way, Edition: Hofmann; Page: [ 30 ] allow them to entrust it to the representatives they want, and they will not think they can extend it far enough.
This is the theory which seems to me false and dangerous. In my view, this is the theory we must hold responsible for most of the difficulties the establishment of freedom has encountered among various nations, for most of the abuses which worm their way into all governments of whatever type, and indeed for most of the crimes which civil strife and political upheaval drag in their wake. It was just this theory which inspired our Revolution and those horrors for which liberty for all was at once the pretext and the victim.
I do not mean that the countless iniquities we witnessed and suffered were not usually caused in the immediate sense by the factional interests of the men who had seized power. But these men had managed to get the machinery of public enforcement into their guilty hands only by veiling the interests which controlled them, by laying claim to seemingly disinterested principles and opinions which served them as a banner.
Now, all their principles and opinions rested on the theory this chapter has related, rested, that is, on the supposition that society may exercise over its members an unlimited authority and that everything the general will ordains, is rendered legitimate by that alone. It is worth refuting this theory, therefore. It is useful in general to correct opinions, however metaphysical or abstract they seem to us, because vested interests seek their weapons in opinions.
Interests and opinions differ, first of all, in that the former are hidden and the latter displayed, necessarily, since the latter divide while the former unite. Secondly, interests vary for each individual according to his situation, his tastes, or his circumstances, while opinions are the same, or seem so, as between all people who act together. Finally, each individual can direct only himself in the reckoning of his interests. When he wants other people to support him, he has to present them with opinions which mislead them as to his real views.
If you expose the falsity of the opinion he advances, you deprive him of his main support. You annihilate his means of influencing those around him, Edition: Hofmann; Page: [ 31 ] you destroy the flag, and the army vanishes. I know that today we have given up refuting ideas we want to fight, professing a general aversion for all theories, of whatever sort. People say all metaphysics is unworthy of our attention. But the antimetaphysical stance has always seemed to me unworthy of thinking people.
Its declamations are doubly dangerous. They are as forceful against truth as against error. They Edition: current; Page: [  ] tend to make reason wither, to hold our intellectual faculties up to ridicule and to discredit what is noblest in us. Secondly, they do not even possess the advantage commonly supposed.
Averting ideas you think dangerous by scorning them or suppressing them violently, is to suspend their present consequences only very briefly, and to double their influence to come. We should not be misled by silence nor take it for agreement. For as long as reason is not convinced, error is ready to reappear at the first event which unleashes it. It then takes advantage of the very oppression it has experienced.
Our efforts will be in vain. Thought alone can do battle with thought. Reasoning alone can correct mistakes of reasoning. When power repulses reason it does not fail only against the truth; it also fails against error. To disarm error you have to refute it. Anything else is rank charlatanism, renewed century after century, to the profit of a few, and the misfortune and shame of the rest. Indeed, if contempt for the intellectual life had been able to preserve men from its dangerous deviations, they would long ago have reaped the benefits of this much-praised protection.
There is nothing new about contempt for the mind. From the time of the Goths till today we have seen this mental outlook reproduce itself. From their day till this people have denounced metaphysics and theorizing; yet the theories have always made their reappearance. Before us, people said equality was only a chimera, a vain abstraction, a Edition: Hofmann; Page: [ 32 ] meaningless theory.
Men who wanted to define equality properly in order to separate it from the exaggerations which disfigured it, were treated as dreamers and troublemakers, and an ill-defined equality has never stopped returning to the attack. The Jacquerie, the Levelers, and the revolutionaries of our time have abused this theory, precisely because it had been forbidden rather than put right: incontestable proof of the inadequacy of the measures, taken by the opponents of abstract ideas, first to ward off their attacks, and secondly, so they said, to keep such ideas away from the blind and stupid species they so condescendingly governed.
The effect of such measures is never more than temporary. When false theories have misled people, they are ready to listen to commonplaces against theory in general, some through exhaustion, others out of vested interest, but most by way of imitation. But when they have recovered from their weariness or been freed from their fears, they Edition: current; Page: [  ] remember that theory is not a bad thing in itself, that everything has its theoretical side, that theory is no more than practice systematized into rules according to experience, and practice only theory applied.
They feel that nature did not give them reason just so it could be mute or sterile. They blush at having abdicated the very core of their dignity as human beings. They adopt theories again. If these have not been corrected, if they have been mere objects of disdain, they take them up anew with all their vices intact and are once again entrapped by them in all the errors which led them to reject them before. To hold that because false theories bring grave dangers we must renounce all theories, is to take from men the surest remedy for precisely such dangers. It is to hold that because error has dire consequences, we should refuse ever to search for truth.
So I have tried to fight faulty arguments with ones which seem just to me. I have tried to oppose false metaphysics with metaphysics which I believe to be true. If I have succeeded, I will flatter myself that I have been more helpful than those who demand silence. Their legacy to the future is a set of unresolved issues. In their narrow-minded and suspicious caution they compound the ill effects of wrong ideas by the very fact that they do not allow such ideas to be examined. Edition: Hofmann; Page: [ 33 ]. Now, as soon as the sovereign body has to use the force it possesses, that is to say, as soon as it is necessary to establish political authority, since the sovereign body cannot exercise this itself, it delegates and all its properties disappear.
The action carried out in the name of all, being necessarily willy-nilly in the hands of one individual or a few people, it follows that in handing yourself over to everyone else, it is certainly not true that you are giving yourself to no one. On the contrary, it is to surrender yourself to those who act in the name Edition: Hofmann; Page: [ 34 ] of all.
It follows that in handing yourself over entirely, you do not enter a universally equal condition, since some people profit exclusively from the sacrifice of the rest. It is not true that no one has an interest in making things hard for other people, since some members are not in the common situation. It is not true that all members acquire the same rights they give up.
They do not all regain the equivalent of what they lose, and the outcome of what they sacrifice is or may be the setting up of a power which takes away from them what they do have. How is it that these obvious considerations did not convince Rousseau of the error and dangers of his theory? It is because he let himself be misled by an oversubtle distinction.
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A double hazard is to be feared when we examine important questions. Men go wrong, sometimes because they misconstrue the distinctions between two ideas and sometimes because they base on a simple idea distinctions which do not apply. Rousseau distinguished the prerogatives of society from those of government. Rousseau, however, took it in its widest sense, as the bringing together, not only of all properly constituted powers but of all the constitutional ways individuals have for contributing among themselves, in expressing their individual wills, to the formation of the general will.
Society cannot itself exercise the prerogatives bestowed on it by its members. Therefore it delegates them. It sets up what we call a government. For on the one hand, if society had a legitimate authority greater than the one it delegated, the part it did not delegate would, by reason of its not being exercisable, be effectively void.
A right one cannot exercise oneself, nor delegate to others, is a right which does not exist. On the other hand, the recognition of such rights would inevitably entail the disadvantage that those in whom the delegated part had been invested would inexorably contrive to have the rest delegated to them too. An example will clarify my point. I assume that we recognize—it has often been done—that society has a right to expel a Edition: current; Page: [  ] minority part of itself which has given it deep offense.
No one attributes this terrible prerogative to the government, but when the latter wants to grab it, what does it do? It then appeals to the nation. It is not as its prerogative that it seeks to persecute, on mere suspicion, wholly innocent individuals. But it quotes the imprescribable prerogative of the whole society, of the all-powerful majority, of the sovereign nation whose well-being is the highest law.
The government can do nothing, it says, but the nation can do everything. And soon the nation speaks. By this I mean that a few men, either low types or madmen, or hirelings, or men consumed with remorse, or terror-struck, set themselves up as its instruments at the same time as they silence it, and proclaim its omnipotence at the same time as they menace it. In this way, by an easy and swift maneuver, the government seizes the real and terrible power previously regarded as the abstract right of the whole society.
There really is a prerogative—when we are speaking abstractly—that the society does possess and does not delegate to the government, namely the right to change the organization of the government itself. To delegate this right would set up a vicious circle, since the government could use it Edition: Hofmann; Page: [ 36 ] to transform itself into a tyranny.
But this very exception confirms the rule. If society does not delegate this prerogative, neither does it exercise it itself. Just as it would be absurd to delegate it, so it is impossible to exercise it and dangerous to proclaim it. The people, Rousseau observes, are sovereign in one respect and subject in another. It is easy for powerful men to oppress the people as their subjects, to force them to manifest in their sovereign role the will which these powerful men are dictating. To achieve this, all that is needed is that the individual members of society be terror-struck and then that a hypocritical homage be rendered to the society en masse.
Sovereignty being an abstract thing and the real thing, the exercise of sovereignty, that is to say, the government, being necessarily delegated to beings of a quite different Edition: current; Page: [  ] nature from the sovereign, since they are not abstract beings, we need to take precautionary measures against the sovereign power, because of the nature of those who exercise it, as we would take them in the case of an excessively powerful weapon which might fall into unreliable hands.
When you have affirmed on principle the view that the prerogatives of society always become, finally, those of government, you understand immediately how necessary it is that political power be limited. If it is not, individual existence is on the one hand subjected without qualification to the general will, while on the other, the general will finds itself represented without appeal by the will of the governors. These representatives of the general will have Edition: Hofmann; Page: [ 37 ] powers all the more formidable in that they call themselves mere pliant instruments of this alleged will and possess the means of enforcement or enticement necessary to ensure that it is manifested in ways which suit them.
What no tyrant would dare to do in his own name, the latter legitimate by the unlimited extension of boundless political authority. They seek the enlargement of the powers they need, from the very owner of political authority, that is, the people, whose omnipotence is there only to justify their encroachments.
The most unjust laws and oppressive institutions are obligatory, as the expression of the general will. For individuals, says Rousseau, having alienated their all to the benefit of the collectivity, can have no will other than that general will. Obeying this, they obey only themselves, and are all the freer the more implicitly they obey. Such are the consequences of this theoretical system as we see them appear in all eras of history.
Their most frightening scope, however, was the one they developed during our Revolution, when revered principles were made into wounds, perhaps incurably. The more popular the government it was intended to give France, the worse were these wounds. When it has a representative constitution, a nation is free only when its delegates are held in check. Tyranny is not constituted by there being few governors.
Nor does a large number of governors guarantee freedom. The degree of political power alone, in whatever hands it is placed, makes a constitution free or a government oppressive; and once tyranny subsists, it is all the more frightful if the tyrannical group is large. Doubtless, the overextension of political power does not always have equally dire consequences. This doctrine creates and then carelessly casts into our human arrangements a degree of power which is too great to be manageable and one which is an evil whatever hands you place it in.
Entrust it to one person, to several, to all, you will still find it an evil. You lay the blame on the power-holders and depending on the circumstances, you will have to indict in turn monarchy, aristocracy, democracy, mixed constitutions, and representative government. And you will be wrong. The condemnation must be of the extent of the power and not of those in whom it is vested. It is against the weapon and not the person wielding it we need to rail. There are things too heavy for human hands. Edition: Hofmann; Page: [ 39 ] Look at the fruitless efforts of different peoples to remedy the evils of the unlimited power with which they think society invested.
They do not know to whom to entrust it. The Carthaginians created in succession the Suffetes to rein in the aristocracy of the Senate, the Tribunal of the Hundred to suppress the Suffetes, the Tribunal of the Five to control the Hundred. Condillac says they wanted to put a brake on one authority, and they established a counterforce which was equally in need of restraining, thus always leaving the abuses to which they thought they brought a remedy to carry on.
The mistake of Rousseau and of writers who are the greatest friends of freedom, when they grant society a boundless power, comes from the way their ideas on politics were formed. They have seen in history a small number of men, or even one alone, in possession of immense power, which did a lot of harm. But their wrath has been directed against the wielders of power and not the power itself. Instead of destroying it, they have dreamed only of relocating it. It was a plague; but they took it as something to be conquered; and they endowed the whole society with it.
Inevitably it moved from there to the majority and from the majority into a few hands. It has done just as much harm as before, and hostility to all political institutions has accumulated in the form of examples, objections, arguments, and evidence. The man who reduced despotism to a theoretical system most cleverly, Hobbes, was quick to support unlimited political power, in order to declare thereby in favor of the legitimacy of absolute government by a single person. The sovereign, he says and by this word he understands the general will , is irreprehensible in his actions.
All individuals Edition: Hofmann; Page: [ 40 ] must obey, and they cannot call upon him to account for his measures. Sovereignty is absolute, a truth which has always been recognized, even by those who have stirred up rebellions, or instigated civil wars. Their motive was not the annihilation of sovereignty; but rather to move its exercise elsewhere. Democracy is an absolute sovereignty placed in the hands of everyone; aristocracy is absolute sovereignty in the hands of a few; and monarchy is absolute sovereignty in the hands of one person.
The people were able to give up this absolute sovereignty in favor of a monarch, who then became its legitimate possessor.
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We can clearly see that the absolute character with which Hobbes endows political authority is the basis of his entire system. This is the point where the writer leaves the road of truth in order to stride off by way of sophism to the conclusion he set for himself from the start. He concludes from the first point that the sovereign has an absolute right to punish, from the second that he has an absolute right to wage war, and from the third that he is absolute in legislative power.
Nothing could be more false than these conclusions. The sovereign does have the right to punish, but only for culpable actions. He does have the right to wage war, but only when society is attacked. He does have the right Edition: Hofmann; Page: [ 41 ] to make laws, but only when they are necessary and insofar as they are just. Democracy is power in the hands of all, but power only in such measure as is needed for the security of the society.
Aristocracy is this same authority entrusted to a few; and monarchy is the same thing brought together in one person. The people can divest themselves of this authority in favor of a single man or of a small number, but their power remains limited, like that of the people who vested it in them. With this cutting out of a single word, one Hobbes had inserted gratuitously into the construction of a sentence, his whole frightful system collapses.
Popular government is only a convulsive tyranny; monarchical government only a more morose and taciturn despotism. Almost all writers start off from some true principle. Once this principle has been posited, however, all it takes to vitiate their whole theory is an invalid distinction, or an ill-defined term, or a superfluous word.
His starting point is incontestable: all our ideas reach us through our senses. He concludes from this that sensation is everything. To think is to feel, he says, and therefore to feel is to think. In Rousseau, as we saw, the mistake came from an invalid distinction. He sets out from a truth, namely that the general will must make the law; but he distinguishes the prerogatives of society from those of government.
He believes that society must possess boundless political power, and from there he goes astray. It is clear that in Hobbes a superfluous word is the cause of the trouble. He too has a correct starting point, namely that we need a coercive force in order Edition: Hofmann; Page: [ 42 ] to govern human societies. Like Hobbes, he sets off from the principle of unlimited sovereignty. He has assumed political authority to be absolute and transferred from society to a man he defines as the species personified, the individualized collectivity.
Just as Rousseau had said that the social body cannot hurt either the collectivity of members nor any individual member, 39 this writer says that the depository of power, the man become society itself, cannot harm society, because all the ill he could do to it, he would experience precisely himself, insofar as he is society itself. He also claims that there can be no responsibility on the part of the depository of power, since no individual can be in dispute with the body of which he is a part, and that the latter can respond only by making him return to the order he should never have left.
He then adds, so that we should in no way be fearful of tyranny: now, here is the reason his authority that of the depository of power was not arbitrary. This was a people. Because he had not felt that political power had to be limited, Rousseau was drawn into a quandary he was able to escape only by undoing with one hand what he had built with the other. He declared that sovereignty could be neither given away, 43 nor delegated, nor represented, which was to declare, less roundly, that it could not be exercised.
This destroyed in fact the principle he had just proclaimed. Those seeking to explain his Edition: Hofmann; Page: [ 44 ] theory Edition: current; Page: [  ] have accused him of inconsistency. Terror-struck at the spectacle of the immense political power he had just created, he had no idea in whose hands to place so monstrous a power and had thought of no defense against the danger inseparable from sovereignty as he had conceived it, save an expedient which made the exercise of that sovereignty impossible. It was only those who adopted his principle, separating it from what made it less disastrous, who were bad reasoners and guilty politicians.
It is the principle which needs rejecting, since so long as it does not produce despotism, it is only an inapplicable theory, since it leads to despotism as soon as people do try to apply it. So it is not inconsistency of which Rousseau must be accused. The reproach he deserves is that he set off from an invalid hypothesis and went astray in superfluous subtleties.
I do not side at all with his detractors. A rabble of inferior minds, who see their brief success as consisting in calling into doubt every redoubtable truth, is excitedly anxious to take away his greatness. This is just one more reason to render him our homage. He was the first writer to popularize the sense of our rights. His was a voice to stir generous hearts and independent spirits. But what he felt so powerfully, he did not know how to define precisely. Several chapters of The Social Contract are worthy of the scholastic writers of the sixteenth century. What is meant by rights which one enjoys all the more for having given them away completely?
Even so, we cannot refute them strongly enough, because they put insuperable obstacles in the way of any free or moderate constitution, and they supply a banal pretext for all manner of political outrages. The first has to be accepted. All authority which does not issue from the general will is undoubtedly illegitimate. The second must be rejected. The authority which issues from the general will is not legitimate merely by virtue of this, whatever its extent may be and whatever objects it is exercised over.
The first of these principles is the most salutary truth, the second the most dangerous of errors. The former is the basis of all freedom, the latter the justification of all despotism. In a society whose members have equal rights, it is certain that no member can on his own make obligatory laws for the others. It is wrong, however, to say that society as a whole enjoys this faculty without restriction.
The body of all citizens is sovereign. This is to say that no individual, no group, no faction, can assume sovereignty except by delegation from that body. It does not follow, however, that the citizen body or those in whom it has vested the exercise of its sovereignty, can use it to dispose sovereignly of individual lives. On the contrary, there is a part of human existence which necessarily remains individual and independent, and by right beyond all political jurisdiction. Sovereignty exists only in a limited and relative way.
The jurisdiction of this sovereignty stops where independent, individual existence begins. If society crosses this boundary, it becomes as guilty of tyranny as the despot whose only claim to office is the murderous sword. The legitimacy of government Edition: Hofmann; Page: [ 50 ] depends on its purpose as well as upon its source.
When that government is extended to purposes outside its competence, it becomes illegitimate. Political society cannot exceed its jurisdiction without being usurpative, nor can the majority without becoming factious. The assent of the majority is not enough in all circumstances to render its actions lawful.
There are acts which nothing can endow with that character. When a government of any sort puts a threatening hand on that part of individual life beyond its proper scope, it matters little on what such authority claims to be based, whether it calls itself individual or nation. Even if it were the whole nation, except for the man it is harassing, it would be no more legitimate for that.
If anyone thinks these maxims dangerous, let him think about the other, contrary dispensation which authorized the horrors of Robespierre and the oppressions of Caligula alike. No doubt individuals should submit to the majority. It is not that majority decisions have to be seen as infallible. Any collective decision, that is to say, any decision taken by a group of men, is exposed to two kinds of drawback. When it is dictated by passionate feelings, it is clear these can lead to mistakes. Even when the decisions of the majority are taken in a spirit of calm, however, they are exposed to dangers of another kind.
They are formed by negotiation between divergent opinions. Now, if one of the opinions was right, it is clear that the transaction can have been achieved only to the detriment of truth. It may have corrected wrong opinions in some respects, but it has misrepresented the correct opinion or made it less accurate. It has been shown by mathematical calculations that, when an assembly is held to choose between a certain number of candidates, usually the victor is not the object of the most Edition: Hofmann; Page: [ 51 ] complete agreement, but of the least repugnance.
This is an inevitable ill, however. If we were to conclude, on the grounds of the possible errors of the majority, that we should subordinate our wills to the will of the minority, we would find ourselves with violent or mendacious institutions. The prerogative of the majority is that of the strongest. It is unjust.
It would be still more unjust, however, if the will of the weakest were to prevail. If society has to make a decision, the strongest or the weakest, the most or the least numerous, must triumph. If the right of the majority, that is, the strongest, were not recognized, the right of the minority would be. This is to say that injustice would weigh down on a greater number of people. The liberum veto the free veto of Poland, which intended that the laws should have force only nemine contradicente no one being opposed , did not make all the citizens free, but rather subjected them all to one person.
It is in order to conserve the freedom of the greatest number that the most just lawmakers have found themselves obliged to undermine the freedom Edition: current; Page: [  ] of all. There is a restorative force in nature. Everything natural carries its remedy with it. That which is artificial, on the contrary, has disadvantages at least as great, and nature furnishes us with no remedy.
But what she does do to counter the errors of the majority, is to circumscribe its rights within precise limits. If you say its power is boundless, you abandon all defenses against the consequences of its errors. The majority can make the law only on issues on which the law must pronounce. On those on which the law must not pronounce, the wish of the majority is no more legitimate than that of the smallest of minorities. I ask pardon for perhaps overextending this subject—it is so important—and for having recourse to an example in order to make these Edition: Hofmann; Page: [ 52 ] truths more tangible.
Let us suppose some men get together for a commercial undertaking. They pool part of their wealth. This is the common wealth. What is left to each man is his private wealth. As a majority, members can direct the use of common funds. If, however, that majority claimed the right to extend its jurisdiction to the rest of the wealth of other members, no law court would uphold this claim.
It is the same with political authority. If the comparison is inexact, this is in respect of one point only, and this inexactitude works in favor of our argument. In the case of our private hypothetical association, there exists outside that association a constraint preventing the majority from oppressing the minority. A small group of men cannot take over the name of the majority in order to tyrannize the association. After all, this association may have entered contractual arrangements for which it is jointly liable, with an outside party.
In politics, however, none of these conditions obtains. The political community is not responsible to any outside party. There are only two fractions: the majority and the minority. The majority is the judge when it acts within its competence, and becomes a faction when it exceeds this role. No outside force prevents the majority from sacrificing the minority, or a small band of men from calling themselves the majority in order to control everyone.
It is therefore vital to make up for this missing external force, by fixed principles from which the majority never deviates. Political authority is like government credit. Governments, being always more powerful than their creditors, are by this very fact forced into more stringent scrupulousness. For if they deviate from this a single time, no coercive force being exercisable against them, confidence is frightened away and no longer to be reassured. Just so, the majority always having the power to trespass upon individual or minority rights, if it does not most scrupulously abstain from such, all security vanishes, for there is no guarantee either against the repetition of such offenses or ever-increasing excesses.
A frequent source of error about the proper scope of political authority is the constant confusion of the common interest with the interests of all. The common interest concerns only society as a whole. The interests of all are simply the sum of individual interests. Apart from fractional interests which concern only an individual or fraction of society and hence fall outside all political jurisdiction, there are further things which concern all the members of society and which Edition: Hofmann; Page: [ 53 ] nevertheless must not be subject to the force of the general will.
These things interest each person as an individual and not as a member of the collectivity. Religion is a case in point, for example.
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In Mexico Cacalia cordifolia is a presumed aphrodisiac and cure for sterility. An alkaloid has been reported from the plant, but there is no evidence of a chemi- cal constituent with psycho- active properties. This little researched plant is apparently often confused with Calea zacatechichi. It has also been valued as an insecticide. Recent reports suggest that the Chontal Indians of Oaxaca take a tea of the crushed, dried leaves as a hallucinogen.
The inflorescence is densely many-flowered usually about No constituent with hallucina- tory properties has as yet been isolated from C. The plant contains germacra- nolides. The subtile psychoac- tive effect can be described as dreamlike Cannabis sativa has become very polymorphic, but it is usually a rank, robust, erect, loosely branched annual herb, sometimes attaining a height of 18 ft 5. The sexes are nor- mally on separate plants, the staminate weaker and dying after shedding pollen, the pistil- late stockier and more foliose. The flowers are borne in axillary or terminal branches, dark green, yellow- green, or brownish purple.
The fruit is an ovoid, slightly com- pressed, often brownish akene covered by a persistent calyx, enveloped by an enlarged bract, usually lacking a strong marbled pattern; it is firmly attached to the stalk without a definite ar- ticulation. The seed is ovoid, mostly Vs by Vfe in. Cannabis indica is pyramidal or conical in form and under 4- 5ft cm in height. Cannabis ruderalis is small and is never cultivated. Caesalpinia sepiaria or Yun- Shih, a shrubby vine with retro- rsely hooked spines, is reput- edly used as a hallucinogen in China. The roots, flowers, and seeds also have value in folk medicine.
The large, erect, un- branched showy racemes, 21 in. An al- kaloid of unknown structure has been reported from Caesalpinia sepiaria. Painted Nettle Labiatae Mint Family Tropical and warm zones of 21 Europe, Africa, Asia This largest of the columnar cactus plants, Saguaro, reach- ing a height of some 40ft 12 m , is a candelabra-branched "tree. The spines near the top of the plant are yel- low-brown. Measuring in. The fruit, red or purple, is an ovoid or ellipsoid berry splitting down the side into two or three sections and mea- suring 2 V 2 - 3 V 2 in.
The numerous small seeds are black and shining. Although there are no reports of the Saguaro as a hallucino- gen, the plant does contain pharmacologically active alka- loids capable of psychoactivity. Carnegine, 5-hydroxycarne- gine, and norcarnegine, plus trace amounts of 3-methoxytyr- amine and arizonine atetrahy- droquinoline base , have been isolated from Saguaro.
The native people make a wine from the pressed fruit. Cestrum parqui has been used medicinally and ritually for sha- manic healing since pre- Columbian times by the Ma- puche in southern Chile. The plant has the power to withstand attacks of sorcery or black ma- gic. The dried leaves of Cestrum parqui are smoked. The shrub grows to 5ft 1. The bell-shaped yellow flowers have five pointy petals. They hang from the stem in clusters. The flowers bloom in Chile between October and No- vember and release a powerful, heady aroma. The plant has small oval berries that are a shiny black color.
Ergot is a fungal disease of cer- tain grasses and sedges, pri- marily of rye. The spur is a purplish or black, curved, club- shaped growth V 2 - 2 V 2 in. The fungus produces psychoactive and toxic alka- loids. There are two distinct periods in the life cycle of this fungus; an active and a dormant stage.
The Ergot or spur represents the dormant stage. When the spur falls to the ground, the Ergot sprouts globular heads called ascocarps from which grow asci, each with threadlike as- cospores that are disseminated when the asci rupture. In the Middle Ages and earlier in Europe, especially where rye was used in bread-making, whole areas frequently were poisoned, suffering plagues of ergotism, when fungus-infected rye kernels were milled into flour. Two species of Coleus have sig- nificance in Mexico. The more or less bell-shaped blue or purplish flowers, measuring about V 2 in.
Recently, salvinorine-like sub- stances diterpene were dis- covered. The chemical structure has not yet been determined. It is possible that by drying or burning the diterpene, its che- mical structure is modified into potent material. The chemistry and pharmacology must be re- searched further. Psilocybine has not as yet been isolated from this species, but Conocybe cyanopus of the United States has been shown to contain this psychoactive alkaloid. This beautiful mushroom, up to about 3 in. The gills are saffron-colored or brownish orange with chrome yellow spores.
Many species of the genus Conocybe contain psilocybine, are psychoactive, and are used ritually. Conocybe siligeneoides is an obscure mushroom which has not been found or analyzed again since its first description. Coryphantha compacta Engelm. It has been feared in the Andean countries as a plant toxic to browsing ani- mals. Human deaths have sup- posedly followed ingestion of the fruit. Reports from Ecuador, nevertheless, suggest that the fruit shanshi may be eaten to induce an intoxication charac- terized by sensations of soaring through the air.
Coriaria thymifoiia is a shrub usually up to 6ft 1. The small, dark pur- ple flowers occur densely on long drooping racemes. The round purplish black fruit is composed of five to eight com- pressed fleshy parts, or carpels. The whole shrub has a fernlike appearance. No psychoactive properties have been isolated yet. It is hardly visible in the sandy soil where it occurs. The crowded tubercles are arranged in 13 rows. Arising from the center of the crown either singly or in pairs, the yel- low flowers measure up to 1 in. The Tarahu- mara of northern Mexico con- sider Coryphantha compacta a kind of Peyote.
The plant, called Bakana, is taken by shamans and is respected and feared. It is used as a substitute for Peyote. Coryphantha palmerii has likewise been reported as a hal- lucinogen in Mexico. Various al- kaloids, including the psychoac- tive phenylethylamines, have been isolated from several species of Coryphantha: horde- nine, calipamine, and macro- merine. The leaves and rhizomes, pleasantly aromatic of citron, are locally used as a tonic and styptic.
This perennial grass has stout, erect culms with linear to linear-lanceolate leaves, basally wide and rounded and tapering to a fine point, 1 ft. The flowering spikes are slender, olive green to brownish. This species grows in Gabon, the Congo, and Malawi. Little is known about the psy- choactive properties of the grass. The genus Cymbopogon is rich in essential oils, and ster- oidal substances have been found in some species. Kuntze Genista Datura innoxia Mill. Native to the Canary Islands, Genista was introduced into Mexico from the Old World, where it has no record of use as a hallucinogen.
It apparently has acquired magical use among the Yaquf Indians of northern Mexico, where medicine men value the seed as a hallucinogen. A coarse, evergreen, much- branched shrub up to 6ft 1 ,8 m tall, Cytisus canariensis bears leaves with obovate or oblong, hairy leaflets Vi-Vfc in. The fragrant, bright yellow flowers, in terminal, many-flow- ered, dense racemes, measure about 14 in. Cytisus is rich in the lupine al- kaloid cytisine, which is com- mon in the Leguminosae. Cy- stine has similar properties as nicotine.
For this reason, plants that contain cystine are often smoked as a substitute for Tobacco. The most extensive use of Da- tura centers in Mexico and the American Southwest, where the most important psychoactive species seems to be Datura in- noxia. This is the famous To- loache of Mexico, one of the plants of the gods among the Aztecs and other Indians.
The modern Tarahumara of Mexico add the roots, seeds, and leaves of D. Mexican Indians believe that, unlike Peyote, Toloache is inhabited by a malevolent spirit. Datura innoxia is a herbac- eous perennial up to 3ft 1 m tall, grayish because of fine hairs on the foliage; the leaves, unequally ovate, repand or sub- entire, measure up to 2 or in. The erect, sweet-scented flowers, in, cm long, are white with a pointed corolla. The pen- dant fruit is nearly globose, 2 in. In the Old World, the most cul- turally important species of Da- tura for medicinal and hallucino- genic use is D.
Datura metel, native probably to the mountainous regions of Pakistan or Afghanistan west- ward, is a spreading herb, sometimes becoming shrubby, ft m tall. The triangu- lar-ovate, sinuate, and deeply toothed leaves measure in. The soli- tary flowers, which may be pur- ple, yellowish, or white, are tub- ular, funnel- or trumpet-shaped, almost circular when expanded, may attain a length of in. The drooping, round fruit, up to in. The flowers are primarily violet and grow at an angle or upright to the sky.
All types of Datura contain the hallucinogenic tropane alkaloids scopolamine, hyosyamine and someatropine. Thorn Apple Solanaceae Nightshade Family Tropical and moderate zones 29 of both hemispheres This annual herb grows to about 4ft 1. The rich green leaves are coarsely serrated. The funnel- shaped flowers are 5-pointed, stand erect, and open upward. The common variety carries white flowers that at in. The tatula variety has smaller violet flowers. The green egg-shaped fruit is covered with thorns and stands erect.
The flat, liver- shaped seeds are black. The origins of this powerful hallucinogenic species of Thorn Apple is uncertain and its bota- nical history ardently argued over. Some authors suggest that Datura stramonium is an ancient species that originates in the re- gion of the Caspian Sea. Others believe that Mexico or North America is the original habitat. Botanists are not in agreement as to the number of species in the genus. Desfontainia spinosa, a beau- tiful shrub ft 30cm The berry is white or greenish yellow, glo- bose, with many lustrous seeds.
It has been reported as a hallu- cinogen from Chile and south- ern Colombia. Nothing is as yet known of the chemical constitu- ents of Desfontainia. In southern Chile Desfontai- nia is used for shamanic pur- poses similar to Latua pubiflora. The branched evergreen shrub with woody stems grows to ap- proximately ft 2. Its wood has a yellow color and a distinct scent of vanilla. The green leaves are lanceolate, with a con- tinuous margin tapered at the pe- tiole and are in. The flowers are white, oc- casionally with rose speckles, and bell-shaped to 7 mm long and hang in clusters off the tips of the branches.
The fruit is a black ber- ry with numerous tiny seeds. The psychoactive Pituri has been hedonisticallyand ritually used by the Aborigines since their settlerneigff Australia. Duboisia hopwoodii contains a variety of powerful and stimu- lating but toxic alkaloids: pitur- ine, dubosine, D-nor-nicotine, and nicotine.
The hallucinogenic tropane alkaloids hyoscyamine and scopolamine have been discovered in the roots. This spiny cactus, one of the so- called false Peyotes of the Tara- humara Indians of Chihuahua, has acidic, edible fruit called Chi- litos. Medicine men take Hikuli Mulato to make their sight clearer and to permit them to commune with sorcerers.
It is reportedly able to drive evil people to insanity or throw them from cliffs. Alkaloids and triterpenes have been reported from Epithelantha micromeris. The low tubercles, Vis in. The numerous white spines almost hide the tubercles. The lower ra- dial spines measure Vie in. The small flowers, which arise from the center of the plant in a tuft of wool and spines, are whitish to pink , 1 U in. The Tarahumara Indians of Chi- huahua consider two species as false Peyotes or Hikuri of the mountainous areas.
The ribs number 7 to 9. The 8 or 9 radial spines are yellow, V 2 in. The orange-colored flowers mea- sure 3Vin. This species is native to Chi- huahua and Durango in Mexico. Echinocereus triglochidiatus dif- fers in having deep green stems, fewer radial spines, which turn grayish with age, and scarlet flowers 3 A in. A tryptamine derivative has been reported from Echinocer- eus triglochidiatus 3-hydroxy methoxyphenethylamine.
Bailey 3 Galbulimima belgraveana F. Linket Otto Sinicuichi Lythraceae Loosestrife Family Southern North America to 36 Argentina, West Indies Tzompanquahuitl of the ancient Aztecs may have been from the many species in the genus Ery- thrina, the seeds of which are believed to have been employed as a medicine and hallucinogen. In Guatemala the beans are employed in divination. The beans of Erythrina flabel- liformis constitute a Tarahumara Indian medicinal plant of many varied uses, which may have been utilized as a hallucinogen.
Erythrina fiabelliformis is a shrub or small tree with spiny branches. The densely many-flowered racemes bear red flowers VA-2'A in. Sometimes attaining a length of 1 ft 30cm , the pods, shallowly constricted between the seeds, contain from two to many dark red beans. This spe- cies is common in the hot, dry regions of northern and central Mexico and the American Southwest.
Natives in Papua boil the bark and leaves of this tree with a species of Homaiomena to pre- pare a tea that causes an intox- ication leading to a deep slum- ber, during which visions are experienced. This tree of northeastern Australia, Papua, and Molucca is unbuttressed, attaining a height of 90ft 27 m. The highly aromatic, gray brownish, scaly bark measures Vi in. The elliptic, entire leaves are a glossy, metallic green above, brown beneath, and are normally 4 Vi-6 in.
Lacking sepals and petals but with many conspicu- ous stamens, the flowers have a pale yellow or brownish yellow hue with a rusty brown calyx. Although 28 alkaloids have been isolated from Gaibulimima belgraveana, a psychoactive principle has not yet been found in the plant. This genus has three very simi- lar species, and all play impor- tant roles in folk medicine. Sev- eral vernacular names reported from Brazil seem to indicate knowledge of psychoactivity, e. Sinicuichi Heimia salicifolia is ft 60cm The yellow flowers are borne singly in the leaf axils; the persistent bell-shaped calyx develops long hornlike appen- dages.
The shrub grows abun- dantly in moist places and along streams in the highlands. In the Mexican highlands, the leaves of H. Although it is be- lieved that excessive use of Sinicuichi may be physically harmful, there are usually no uncomfortable aftereffects. This plant contains quinolizidine al- kaloids lythrine, cryogenine, ly- foline, nesidine. Helichrysum foetidum is a tall, erect, branching herb 1 0—1 2 in. It is slightly woody near the base and is very strongly scented.
The lanceo- late or lanceolate-ovate, basally lobed, entire leaves, measuring up to 3 V 2 in. These species of Helichrysum are some of the plants known in English as Everlasting. Coumarine and diterpenes have been reported from the genus, but no constituents with hallucinogenic properties have been isolated. Extracts from the inner bark of two trees elicit central nervous system depres- sant effects similar to those pro- duced by Cannabis sativa. The two species responsible for this hallucinogen are H.
These two species of trees are similar. Both are cylindrical or very slightly buttressed forest giants 75ft 23 m tall with grayish brown bark; the latex is pale yel- low or cream-colored. The leath- ery lanceolate-elliptic leaves at- tain a length of 7 in.
The fleshy, pistillate flowers are borne in glo- bose cauliflorous heads. Very little is known about these trees and they are rarely studied. The hallucinogen could theoreti- cally originate from either of the related genera Brosimum or Pir- atinera. Extracts from the inner bark of both trees have been pharmacologically studied; they have a softening or dampening effect, similar to Cannabis sativa.
In Papua New Guinea the na- tives are said to eat the leaves of a species of Homalomena with the leaves and bark of Galbuli- mima belgraveana to induce a violent condition ending in slum- ber, during which visions are ex- perienced. The rhizomes have a number of uses in folk medicine, especially for the treatment of skin problems.
In Malaya an un- specified part of a species was an ingredient of an arrow poison. The species of Homalomena are small or large herbs with pleasantly aromatic rhizomes. The leaves are oblong- lanceolate or cordate-ovate, borne on very short stems, rarely exceeding 6 in. The spathe usually per- sists in fruit. The male and fe- male portions of the spadix are proximate. The small berries are few or many-seeded.
The chemistry of this group of plants has not yet disclosed any hallucinogenic principle. Although the herb has erect stems, it often appears bushy. It grows to approximately in. The light green stems and serrated leaves, as well as the funnel-shaped flow- ers and fruits, are all pileous. The herb blooms from January to July. The color of the flowers is light yellow with deep violet on the interior. The seeds have a whitish or ocher color, occasion- ally a gray color. This henbane was the most widely used magical herb and medicinal plant. The hallucino- gen was an important medium in antiquity, used to promote a trance and taken by oracles and divinitory women.
Henbane is a coarse annual or biennial, viscid, hairy, strong- smelling herb up to about 30 in. The leaves are en- tire or occasionally have a few large teeth, ovate, in. The flowers, yellow or greenish yellow veined with purple, attain a length of about 1V4 in. The fruit is a many-seeded cap- sule enclosed in the persistent calyx with its five triangular points becoming rigid. The seeds release a powerful and distinctive odor when squeezed.
It not only reduced pain but also induced oblivion. The active principles in this solanaceous genus are tropane alkaloids, especially scopola- mine. Scopolamine is a potent hallucinogenic agent. Ipomoea violacea L. It is an herb up to 1 ft 30cm tall, with erect or ascending stems, sometimes rooting at the lower nodes. The dense inflores- cence, covered with glandular hairs, may reach a length of 4 in. The inconspicuous flowers, about 'Ain. The fruit, 'A in. Chemical examination of Jus- ticia has been inconclusive. Preliminary indications that the leaves of J. The dried herb contains coumarin.
In pre-Conquest days, the Aztecs knew them as Tlililtzin and employed them in the same way as Ololiuqui, the seeds of another Morning Glory, Turbina corymbosa. Ipomoea violacea, known also as I. The inflorescence is three- or four-flowered. The flowers vary from white to red, purple, blue or violet-blue, and measure 3 A in. The ovoid fruit, about 'A in. This variable species ranges through western and southern Mexico and Guatemala and in the West Indies.
It can be found as well in tropical South Ameri- ca. It is well known in horticul- ture. In Oaxaca, in southern Mexico, the seeds of this vine are es- teemed as one of the principal hallucinogens for use in divina- tion as well as magico-religious and curing rituals. The intoxication is not plea- sant, leaving aftereffects for several days. The shrub is va- lued also as a medicine for treating difficulties with digestion or bowel function, and to aid in cases of difficult childbirth. The branches are reddish brown, and the leaves, obovate-oblong, measure in.
The clustered tubular or bell-shaped flowers are red, 1- 1 Vi in.
The plant contains withanolide. Kaempferia galanga is used as a hallucinogen in New Guinea. Throughout the range of this species, the highly aromatic rhi- zome is valued as a spice to fla- vor rice, and also in folk medi- cine as an expectorant and carminative as well as an aph- rodisiac. A tea of the leaves is employed for sore throat, swel- lings, rheumatism, and eye in- fections. In Malaysia, the plant was added to the arrow poison prepared from Antiaris toxicaria. This short-stemmed herb has flat-spreading, green, round leaves measuring in. The white flow- ers with a purple spot on the lip , which are fugacious, appear singly in the center of the plant and attain approximately 1 in.
Beyond the high content of essential oil in the rhizome, little is known of the chemistry of the plant. Psychoactive activity might possibly be due to consti- tuents of the essential oils. It is possible that thjs plant is one of the narcotic plants called Kanna compare to Sceletium tortuosum. The resi- nous leaves, or the resin ex- tracted from the leaves, are smoked alone or mixed with to- bacco. Chemical studies are lacking. In California the plant has been grown and tested, reveal- ing a bitter-tasting smoke and a lightly psychoactive effect that is reminiscent of both Cannabis and Datura.
In eastern South Africa, the closely related Leo- notis ovata is reportedly used for the same purpose. On the dry steppes of Turkestan, the Tajik, Tatar, Turkoman, and Uzbek tribesmen have used a tea made from the toasted leaves of the mint Lagochilus in- ebrians as an intoxicant. The leaves are frequently mixed with stems, fruiting tops, and flowers, and honey and sugar may occa- sionally be added to lessen the intense bitterness of the drink.
This plant has been well stu- died from the pharmacological point of view in Russia. It is re- commended for its antihemor- rhagic and hemostatic effects to reduce permeability of blood vessels and as an aid in blood coagulation. It has also been considered helpful in treating certain allergies and skin pro- blems. It has sedative properties. Phytochemical studies have shown the presence of a crys- talline compound called lagochi- line — a diterpene of the grinde- lian type. This compound is not known to be hallucinogenic.
Kaempferia galanga L. The bark is reddish to grayish brown. The spiny branches, rigid and 1 in. The fruit is a globose berry about 1 in. The leaves and fruit of L. Latua pubiflora Griseb. Peyote Cactaceae Cactus Family Mexico, Texas 51 This herb grows erect and tall, reaching over 6ft 2 m often on a single stem. It has maxiiliform branches and finely serrated, dark green leaves.
The violet flowers appear on the ends of each stem and the inflorescence can be long and attractive. Later it was occa- sionally praised as a medicinal plant in old Chinese herbals. The dried leaves, harvested from the flowering plant, are smoked as marijuana substitute in Central and South America 1—2 g per cigarette. In the plant, 0. Of particular inter- est with regard to the psychoac- tive properties was the discov- ery of three new diterpenes: leosibiricine, leosibirine, and the isomers isoleosibiricine in essential oil.
It flourishes in dry soil, and its stems and roots have a white latex that irritates the skin. The luxuriant foliage clothes nearly the whole length of the plant with grayish green, elliptic, often minutely hairy leaves 4- 9 in. VA-3'A in. Carmine red or purple, the flowers, 1 'A in. The corolla is decurved, sometimes recurved with the lobes united at the apex. Tupa leaves contain the pi- peridine alkaloid lobeline, a re- spiratory stimulant, as well as the diketo- and dihydroxy-deri- vatives lobelamidine and nor-'o- bedamidine.
These constituents are not known to possess hallu- cinogenic properties. Neverthe- less, the smoked leaves have a psychoactive effect. Two species of Lophophora are recognized: they differ morpho- logically and chemically. Both species of Lophophora are small, spineless gray-green or bluish green top-shaped plants. The Indians cut off the crown and dry it for ingestion as a hal- lucinogen. This dry, disklike head is known as the Mescal Button or Peyote Button. Lophophora williamsii is usually blue-green with from 5 to 13 ribs and normally straight furrows. It has up to 30 alka- loids — primarily Mescaline — as well as further psychoactive phenylethylamines and isoqui- nolines.
The flowers are usually much larger than in L. The chemical constitution is much simpler. Both species of Lophophora inhabit the driest and stoniest of desert regions, usually on cal- careous soil.
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When the crown is removed, fhe plant will often grow new crowns and thus Peyotes with multiple heads are commonly seen. The hallucino- genic effects of Peyote are strong, with kaleidoscopic, richly colored visions. The other senses — hearing, feeling, taste— can also be affected. There are reportedly two stages in the intoxication. At first, a per- iod of contentment and sensitiv- ity occurs.
Bovista Lycoperdaceae Club Moss Family Temperate zones of Mexico 52 In northern Mexico, among the Tarahumara of Chihuahua, a species of Lycoperdon, known as Kalamoto, is taken by sor- cerers to enable them to ap- proach people without being de- tected and to make people sick. In southern Mexico, the Mixtecs of Oaxaca employ two species to induce a condition of half- sleep, during which it is said that voices and echoes can be heard. Lycoperdon mixtecorum, known only from Oaxaca, is small, attaining a diameter of no more than 1 Vi in.
It is subglobose, somewhat flat- tened, abruptly constricted into a peduncle scarcely Vs in. The exterior sur- face is densely cobbled-pustuli- form and light tan in color. The interior substance is straw co- lored. The spherical spores, brown- ish tawny with a subtle tinge of violet, measure up to lOp. This terrestrial species grows in light forest and in pastures. Psychoactive constituents have not yet been isolated. Pincushion Cactus Mandragora officinarum L. As a magical plant and hallucinogen, its extraordin- ary place in European folklore can nowhere be equaled.
Known for its toxic and real and presumed medicinal properties, Mandrake commanded the fear and respect of Europeans throughout the Middle Ages and earlier. Its folk uses and attri- butes were inextricably bound up with the Doctrine of Signa- tures, because of its anthropo- morphic root. While there are six species of Mandragora, it is M. It is a stemless perennial herb up to 1 ft 30cm high, with a thick, usually forking root and large, stalked, wrinkled, ovate leaves, marginally entire or toothed and measuring up to 11 in.
The globose or ovoid, succulent yellow berry has a delightful fragrance. The total content of tropane alkaloids in the root is 0. The principal alkaloids are hyoscyamine and scopolamine, but atropine, cuscohygrine, or mandragorine is also present. Horde- nine is present in many species. Mammillaria craigii is globose but apically somewhat flattened with conical, angled tubercles about V 2 in.
The flowers, which attain a length of 1 in, 2. It is believed to have been made from the fruit of an enormous forest tree, Ma- quira sclerophylla known also as Olmedioperebea sclero- phylla. Maquira sclerophylla attains a height of 00 ft m. The latex is white. Very thick and heavy, the ovate or oblong- ovate, marginally inrolled leaves are in.
The male flowering heads are globose, up to about V 2 in. The tree contains- cardiac glycosides. The flowers, which occur in loosely cylindrical spikes, are white and fragrant. The legume or pod, about 1- in. An alkaloid was isolated from the root of this treelet and called nigerine. It was later shown to be identical with the hallucinogenic N,N-dimethyltryptamine.
Several species of Mimosa are called Jurema in eastern Brazil. It is identical to the Mexi- can Tepescohuite M. The related M. The tropical tree or shrub grows in marshy areas. Often it grows only to ft m high, oc- casionally to ft 6 m. It has an erect stem with forked branches that grow obliquely upward.
The green oval leaves 2 cm are very broad and become narrower toward the tip, which is pointed. The flowers are deep yellow and hang in globular clusters. The seeds are winged. The dried leaves are smoked, chewed, or worked into an ex- tract called Kratom or Mambog. The psychoactive properties of kratom are paradoxical. Per- sonal research, the descriptions of it in the literature, as well as the pharmacological character- istics of the material have re- vealed kratom to be simulta- neously stimulating like cocaine and soothing like morphine.
The stimulating effects begin within 5 to 10 minutes of chewing the fresh leaves. As early as the 1 9 th century the use of Kratom as an opium substitute and a curative for opium addiction was reported. There are numerous indole al- kaloids present in the plant. The primary constituent is mitragy- nine, which is apparently easily tolerated and shows barely any toxicity even in high doses.
This stout, scandent herb, with acute angulate stems, has three-foliolate leaves. The leaf- lets, oblong or ovate, are den- sely hairy on both surfaces. The dark purple or bluish flowers, 3 A- VA in. The total indole alkyiamine content was studied from the point of view of its hallucino- genic activity. It was found that marked behavioral changes oc- curred that could be equated with hallucinogenic activity. It is possible that Indian peoples may have discovered and uti- lized some of these psychoac- tive properties of M.