Doubrovsky, Serge Doubrovsky, Fils. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France. Oxford: Blackwell . London: C. Unpublished PhD Thesis. Postmodern Discourses of Displacement. Athens: Sokolis. Paris: Seuil. Jeanperin: ix—xv.
Paris: Julliard. Paris: Le Robert. Athens: Themelio. Close, M. Tsianikas and G. Frazis: 76— Frazis: — Eysteinsson and V. Liska: — Amsterdam: Benjamins. The Antifascist Immigration in Europe and America. London: Verso . Karamanolakis: — Athens: Ta Nea. Athens: Agra. Tucker, Martin Tucker, ed. An analysis and Biographical Dictionary. New York: Greenwood.
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In , Apogevmatini would carry advertisements such as the following:. Once, sometime in , a crowd of little Aliartian girls would celebrate what was for them a major event: one of them had discovered somewhere in the cotton-fields a real plastic doll the fact that one of its limbs was missing did not at all dampen their spirits. Kids who had never seen or touched such artifacts would very naturally demand that they do so. We may consider the following advertisement which appeared in It was to such authentic childhood emotions — well beyond all class hierarchies — that advertisements would be addressing themselves.
Of course, it goes without saying that such an advertisement — published in December — would be directly exploiting the festive season of the year. Yet still, if the declared Greek family income had come to an overall But we need notice the manner in which they would acknowledge such new reality — even as early as they would write:. Like Horkheimer and Adorno, Roupa op. Of course, we well know that it was not merely Greek industry which would help inject mass culture into the everyday lives of the Greek people.
This artifact — ingenious in its very simplicity, cheap and thus available to everyone — was of course the ball-point pen. In , the Akropolis would carry the following advertisement:. The purchasing and use of the ball-point pen by the Greek popular masses would spread like wildfire throughout the period. One interesting case is that of Elena Tsolakidou cf. On the question of letter-writing in 19th century England, cf. Eric Hobsbawm, The Age of Empire , op.
The implication would be that here we had a massive tabula rasa on which advertizing discourse could write the history of a people. As one looks back in time — and as one also considers the political turbulence of the period — such an evaluation of the history of a people sounds extraordinary. Now this may sound like a truism, but when one considers what it was that they knew, one realizes that such object of knowledge could not possibly have been ignored by the new advertizing discourse.
There would be times when the knowledge of the popular masses would cross swords with the intentions of advertisements, and there were times when such knowledge would adapt itself to the new, and vise versa, etc. But the very idea of a people as a tabula rasa is ipso facto ludicrous.
And why is it that such object of knowledge would inevitably come face to face with advertizing discourse? Let us consider here just one case by way of an example of just such knowledge — in , Koeppen op. Now, the food industry, the advertizing of food products and thus the very content of related advertizing discourse, would have no choice but take such knowledge into account — i. And they would have little choice but take such popular knowledge seriously if only because of the quality of the end-product of that knowledge.
Chrysa would very openly speak of such real ignorance and clearly explain the reason for it:. But we may further observe, not only how she would behave, while still at Aliarto, when circumstances would force her to cook, but also what she would in fact cook — laughing, Chrysa described her anxiety about her need to prepare a meal and related the occasion as follows:. The Age of Extremes… , op. But that does not at all stop them from making at least fairly measured decisions on the spot and for themselves.
Paragogikotis , No 12, Athens, April-May , p. It is of major interest here to observe how the central organ of Greek-based Capital adopts a thoroughly sociological approach — which any Marxist at the time would envy — as regards the reaction of the popular masses in the face of the abusive excesses of various capitals. Part of this long text reads as follows:.
Paragogikotis , No 13, Athens, June-August, , p. To get their message across to Greek-based capitals, they would again make use of the Danish case, which would show how Danish manufacturers would ultimately have to respond to consumer dissent, despite initial conflicts between the parties involved. But, in any case, it is quite natural that if a product had to inscribe within itself the wishes and demands of the consumer, such material inscription would also be projected within the representations of the discourse. Paragogikotis , June-August, , op. In Denmark, consumer dissent would gradually translate into consumer participation and the ability to choose the kind of products people wished to consume — companies would be forced to adjust to such consumer demands:.
Without at all realizing the implications of what she is saying, Roupa op. Further, and as already noted above Streek, op.
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We may here examine how Paragogikotis would present such inevitably U. In its January issue No 6, pp. The April-May issue of Paragogikotis No 12, p. Pavlidis would write:. Consciously or not, Roupa op. Consider, for instance, the following text published in Paragogikotis in Paragogikotis , April-May , p. This text is of special interest for three reasons: firstly, it is a reproduction of an in-house manual published by a U. Let us examine a bit more closely how it aims at re-educating Greek industry:. Galbraith op. This fusion of concepts would come about given the mergers that would happen between local advertizing companies and international advertizing giants.
At least eighteen advertizing companies operating in Greece at the time would participate in this major training project. According to the periodical Epikaira The composition of some of these companies is evidence of the mergers that had taken place with foreign advertizing giants, and which would facilitate an articulation of global with Greek local advertizing discourse.
Sotiropoulou agelioforos. Yet still, the Leoussis philosophy of advertizing would remain a steady ideological reference point. Sotiropoulou, op. It could only have been someone with a well-trained philosophical mind and who was at the same time as well-versed in the Greek socio-cultural reality, who could possibly capture the phenomenon of advertizing discourse in Greece with such sociological accuracy: Leoussis sees advertizing discourse as that which inscribes and condenses the priorities of the different socio-cultural strains of the popular masses themselves within a given conjuncture.
That, of course, has been our own position all along this study. Leoussi, in protothema. Leoussi would herself stress, ibid. It would be responsible for the promotion of the highly popular products of Wella, Nivea and Triumph. This is how he would put it:. To Vima.
We may summarize the basic philosophy of these 18 articles as follows:. One such is the following:. More importantly, it was a response to that type of advertisement which unabashedly and unilaterally intervened in the lives of the Greek popular masses in a manner which provoked or even questioned their local, albeit transitional, ethics.
The simple fact is that companies such as Coca-Cola et al were not at all fly-by-night enterprises targeting an easy meat and then disappearing from the scene of the crime. Despite the initial outcry against a product such as Coca-Cola in Greece — itself telling — the company was here to stay. How else could such concept have been used? We know, for instance, that Coca-Cola advertisements would appear in places least expected wherever in Greece, be these outposts perched on some god-forsaken mountain or in tiny haberdasheries, coffee-shops, etc.
Only properly trained executives can assist in its progress. In , the periodical Romantso would carry the following advertisement promoting a brand of toilet-paper:. While there is a definite truth in all such observations, they need to be qualified. Unlike so many other advertisements which we shall be discussing below, it is free of what Roupa op. Still, advertisements which appeared in this paper were reproduced in more widely-read papers such as the Apogevmatini or the Akropolis , or they would be reproduced in the popular periodicals.
This does not in any way contradict what we have said above as regards the general trend to continually renew things on the part of the popular masses. Further, the renewal which would take place would usually cover products less expensive than that of a fridge. It is of much socio-historical interest that here we have an advertizing discourse which disadvantages the Greek manufacturing sector as a whole so that the European tastes of the consumer be satisfied.
We know, of course, that Capital-as-a-Whole can often work against itself.
And it goes even further: it seems to be telling the Greek female that she does not know the new epoch that has already dawned in Greece, and done so despite her. How does it do this? On December 25th, , the periodical Romantso would publish the following advertisement:. How realistic would it have been for Amalia Eleftheriadou to have bought such device as a present for someone close to her?
Possibly out of respect for the gesture of the young lady, the recipient could have tried using it once or twice for a shave — and done so in jest — and he would then have completely abandoned the usage of it. And, quite naturally, Amalia would have been instinctually aware of such reaction.
The African would for the first time get the chance to see his face in a mirror; likewise, the Greek would for the first time get the chance to see his civilized, routinely shaven face in his own mirror. Both African and Greek would be drawn into the market-economy, etc. The facts are more or less familiar. We know, for instance, that the Philips company was to come to employ thousands of people across more than 60 countries around the world. By , it would be a US designer who would take over the designing of such shaver. What was the post-war Philips promotional strategy of all its products including shavers within the USA?
What was it that it would do to itself? Very simply, it would obliterate itself when presenting its products to the US consumer, and it would do so because that was exactly what such consumer demanded. One could argue that here the Philips company was bluffing the American public — but that is to miss the point: it was bluffing people, but it was doing so to the point of annihilating itself as a brand in the representations of its own discourse.
We have no statistics to verify such outright rejection of the electric shaver. To begin with, we may say that it was common practice amongst most Aliartian males, by way of an example, to go to their barber for a shave. According to the Aliartian barber op. The whole procedure of getting a shave at the barber shop would be combined with an at times endless process of socializing amongst male friends.
The company could even play pranks on one another. The Dutch-based multi-national had no real inkling as to what was happening at the grassroots level , at least in places such as Aliarto. Not all, however, would go to the barber for a shave, and of those who did, some would not always do so. Kyriaki G. As to traditionalism and shaving habits, we may here point to a text in the form of a dialogue where even the use of the razor, in whatever form, would be rejected when it came to the Cretan moustache.
Pitty, op. Pitty, in her study mentioned above, points to the practical pros and cons of using a razor-blade and to those of using an electric shaver. Their choice to either visit their barber for a shave, or to use a shaving instrument introduced to them by their fathers or the barber himself , or to finally go ahead and buy themselves the Gillette cartridge blade razor — all this was part of a necessary cluster of habits gradually mutating according to its own rhythm and with the progress of time.
If he would ever come close to considering the idea of giving himself a shave, he would automatically have opted for something like the more humble Gillette safety razor. By , and as was happening at a global level, the Greek market would introduce to the popular masses the BIC disposable razor, whereby for the first time the entire razor could be disposed of after a certain period of usage.
Importantly, it was also a gadget closely related to personal care and looks in an age of the sexual revolution in Greece, when young males were becoming increasingly self-conscious and eager to openly attract and experiment with the opposite sex. From what we know, at least in America, the sexual connotations of such discourse would become part of the popular national lexicon — something which must surely be of much interest to social historians and linguists alike. The phenomenon, of course, would ultimately spill through to the rest of the various age-groups.
Further, and again unlike the Philips company, it did not simply ignore their given shaving habits, by presenting them with an electrical gadget which was alien both to the prevailing psyche of the popular masses and to the existing material conditions of such masses. Both in terms of ideological content and functional material content, the BIC discourse overlapped with and complemented the Greek socio-cultural conditions of the period.
But this would not mean that such categories of the population — feminists included — would not ultimately find themselves using the BIC products, be it a razor, a lighter or a pen. Generally then, the BIC advertizing discourse would be as responsive to the needs of the Greek youthful popular masses as would the Philips advertizing discourse be responsive to the sensitivities of the American consumer. Apart from what has already been argued above, we may also make the following final observations:. The Quaker Oats company had been formally established at the turn of the 20th century and thus, when its food products — using corn as its basic ingredient for all its commodities — were to enter the Greek market, it had already been in operation at a global level for well over six decades.
What had happened? Naturally, the health and strength of this champion fighter had been put down to his eating habits and especially to his consumption of Quakers in the morning. Many would keep pictures of him, usually from cuts-outs of popular magazines and newspapers. Their parents — especially fathers — would relate stories about him, often grossly exaggerating the facts. We do not know the exact extent to which the products of Quaker Oats had actually caught on at a place such as Aliarto at the time — many Aliartian children would still be eating a watered slice of bread with a coat of sugar and perhaps sometimes cocoa on it.
We may assume that the creators of the Quaker Oats advertizing discourse for Greece had no knowledge of the thought of August Comte. For instance, and above all, the American W. His thought, which appeared and became popular in with his famous book, The Stages of Economic Growth , Cambridge Univ. As we can see here, academic theory and commercial practice do not at all make bad or strange bed-fellows: the economic theory of a Rostow and the advertizing practices of the Quaker Oats company must surely have here been indulging in some act of reproduction, however consciously or not.
The match-maker, of course, was the well-read advertizing sector. But that only tells us half the story. Bronchitis, tuberculosis and especially the malarial germ around the area of Aliarto would all be a lurking danger for the poor. All such health risks would be directly related to the question of nutrition and the realities of malnutrition.
But what is of interest here is the sheer reality of health conditions in the area as a whole , whatever be their actual causes. Put together, the ideological narrative of such a discourse — spanning a period of about seventy years — could be summarized as follows: Quaker Oats cares for both the muscular strength of American kids as also for their mental strength. As regards mental strength, the consumption of Quaker Oats helps the young American mind to be bright and alert in its years of educational training, thus preparing kids for their proper place in the world.
But no one can be worthy of a leadership position unless one trains his body as well, and this can only be achieved through systematic gym exercising, itself facilitated through the consumption of Quaker Oats. Now, one of course understands that objective material conditions in the USA were completely different from those of the war-torn Greek case.
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And yet, the popular cultural practices of the Greek population, despite the war and the poverty, were as vibrant and rich as were those of any people including the Americans. We shall shortly come back to their initial — though not merely momentary — resistance to foreign cuisines, but before we do so we need to briefly consider what all this means regarding the positive material content itself — spoken of above — of the Greek Quaker Oats advertisement. If it be true that the Quaker Oats advertizing discourse contained a positive material content which addressed itself to a real problem, that same positive content was informed, as we have seen, by an ideologically biased paradigm.
This discrimination of functions was of course not evident to the Greek popular masses, unless these had access to US versions of the Quaker Oats advertisement which was highly unlikely , and which would have allowed them to engage in a comparison of sorts something which few if any would have bothered to undertake. That she stopped short of finishing senior high school because she had to go and work was also part of her reality , but that reality was obviously not a consequence of whatever advertizing discourse. To some extent, this is what actually happened. But we have spoken here as also in discussing the case of Greek eating habits of, say, the Aliartian Chrysa Kyriakati of an ideological-cum-cultural struggle between the Greek popular masses and the influx of the foreign cuisine.
We may add here a number of remarks pertaining to the more active or perhaps even more conscious resistance of the Greek popular masses with respect to their gradual bombardment with non-Greek foods. According to an excellent text written by Aikaterini Kamilaki in To Vima cf. This formidable combination of the Byzantine cuisine with that of the ancient Attica cuisine would mean an as formidable insistence on given eating habits and thus a resistance to whatever non-traditional. Kamilaki entitles her text as follows:.
Kamilaki further goes on to point out that in the rural areas and at least up to , traditional eating habits would continue to persist. This would happen despite the general trend towards modernization and the rise in consumer power. Indicative of such a situation is that the Greek popular lexicon would continue to include phrases such as the following:.
Importantly, according to Kamilaki, eating habits which persisted in the rural areas would also do so in the urban areas in the first decades following the war. But what is of greater interest here is that it was not only — or not primarily — the economic reality that was truly determinant as regards Greek eating habits.
On the other hand, eating habits in the decades following the war could not possibly have been absolutely static : there was certainly a gradual encroachment of the foreign cuisine — the circulation of the Quaker Oats advertisement testifies to this — and it is precisely such encroachment which constituted the terrain of cultural struggle we are speaking of. We may end our discussion of the Quaker Oats advertisement by summarizing our position as follows:.
We may begin with a number of simple preliminary observations. But the question of ambiguity needs to be explained. The latter cannot be taken for granted and itself needs to be understood in terms of the specific forms which it took or did not. Just one such sample of the poverty of over-simplification is represented by the following quote:. Specifically as regards the Sinatra concerts in Greece, we need to begin at the beginning. Kritas himself, in an article published in To Vima cf. The latter would inevitably be beset with a number of understandably mixed feelings — for instance, the young Aliartian lady would have asked herself :.
Thirdly, and in contrast to all this, most Greeks would certainly have appreciated whatever economic aid, there being the urgent need for the actual re-construction of their country. But maybe such bridges were not really needed because, fifthly, masses of people in Greece had already identified themselves with the popular lyrics of the Sinatra songs. Before we embark on an analysis of this contradictory state of affairs, it would be of some interest to dwell briefly on a few extra observations regarding the Sinatra concerts as such. It would perhaps be of some interest to note here, as does To Vima op.
To Vima , op. We know that at the same time as the concerts were happening, the Greek people were also receiving an all-round bombardment of Sinatra films. While the film itself could have been enjoyed by the Greek cinema audiences, this would be so despite — not because of — the particular promotional discourse. We may here simply consider a couple of aspects of the advertisement. No serious research work has been undertaken on the post-war Greek taste pertaining to humour — but if one simply peruses through the popular publications of the period, one realizes that humorous texts and cartoons mainly though not exclusively commented on themes sprouting from the Geek context: these would address themes such as the advent of young foreign tourists in Greece; the clash between traditional and modern habits; the new sexual consciousness, etc.
One reason for this was the material success of Frank Sinatra himself, which would obviously appeal to the materialistic culture of the Greek up-and-coming middle class milieu. We know that very many Greek film stars and singers had themselves started off as real have-nots and were able to finally reach the pinnacle of stardom and wealth Kazantzidis being just one such case.
But much more importantly, it cannot reconcile the fact that, while large sections of the Greek popular masses had endorsed the Sinatra songs, they would nonetheless continue to maintain strong anti-American sentiments. Giannis Boulgaris has analyzed this in some detail — inter alia, he writes:. Boulgaris, op. We know that such a pertinent question cannot be answered unless one undertakes hard research work in the field of social history or social anthropology, and in Greece the discipline of any historical sociology itself remains underdeveloped.
Apogevmatini , 4. Such a critical approach on the part of Apogevmatini was certainly not an isolated attack on just this particular Sinatra film. And it was a triple decimation: Sinatra was being debunked both as producer, and as director, and as star. It is important to note that such an attempt at decimation and brand-destruction was taking place just three years following the Sinatra concerts in Athens. With specific reference to Hollywood, it wrote:. But that is to miss the point completely.
And we have also suggested that such form would constitute a negative ideological content in the discourse of such popular sensibility. But this whole situation of the post-war period we are describing was riddled with a double paradox. And second, Sinatra the singer would be loved by large sections of the Greek population. It is interesting to note that in fact Frank Sinatra would often be used by the advertizing industry to promote different brands of liquor.
And further, the Chivas Regal Scotch whisky would be directly associated with his name, even to the point of sponsoring his various performances. We know of course that the habit of drinking had to go hand-in-hand with that of smoking, and so Sinatra would be used in the Chesterfield Cigarette advertisements.
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On the other hand, and as we shall further discuss below, such discourse would not necessarily alienate the Greek popular masses from Sinatra the singer per se. But these would be peripheral types and would almost always be the laughing stock of their compatriots. This brings us to the second paradox — such paradox constituting an important challenge for any historical sociology, both in abstract theoretical terms as also in terms of dealing with the primary sources.
Both were real realities and both are simultaneously evident in the selfsame social strata. A number of preliminary points need to be made. While buying a serviette would be induced by a clear material necessity, listening to and experiencing a song would of course be an expression of a different kind of necessity, i. At least four dimensions may be identified, sometimes conflicting amongst themselves and sometimes not, and each of which would have its own specific functions.
These dimensions may be enumerated as follows:. We briefly mention here just two samples drawn from the Dourida company archives :. Such fading would never be absolute. Chris McDonald, in his Rock Music and the Middle Class Indiana University Press, , has argued that, to begin with, it had been the technological developments which would lead to changes in the meaning of musical instruments, and which would provide the technical infrastructure for developments in grassroots popular taste as such.
In that sense, one can see the limited role of the advertizing industry itself in such process. Rock culture would mean a further democratization of the mass media, this time even covering voices from the margins of society. But the wide democratization represented by Rock culture would mean that it was able to wed a popular style to the genteel aspirations of the up-and-coming middle classes, while at the same time feeding the needs of the experimental sexual aspirations of youth.
The latter has come up with observations on Rock culture which could have more or less applied to the Greek case — for instance, he writes:. And yet, as we have tried to show elsewhere cf. As for the latter, we would here detect the first signs of an up-and-coming middle class or a wage-earning middle class preparing to re-define its relation to the State and which would help establish the Greek version of the European Welfare State. Prior to that, Unilever would be developing its own promotional strategies from its homeground in the USA.
Starting from and up to , the brand would concentrate on building and cementing its association with the increasingly popular movie world. And we are referring to a slogan which, in America, had first appeared in advertizing discourse e. To begin with, Jones makes a general observation, based on an analysis of his empirical evidence, which fully endorses our own research approach thus far — he notes:. But, he goes on to argue, this would not apply to Unilever toiletry brands, suggesting that here we had a notable exception to such reality — he writes:.
And yet, the sheer force of the effort was itself a reality, and the effect this had had on the popular masses cannot be simply brushed aside. The latter was a natural product of post-war modernity, and the cultural consciousness of the popular masses was an active agent in such phenomenon.
The latter, however, would truly re-educate the former. The non-Marxist Geoffrey Jones op. Thompson, would have surely admired. Of course, Unilever discourse would have to follow suit and it certainly did, as we shall see. In an analysis which reveals a highly perceptive understanding of the dialectics of grassroots cultural formation, he writes:. As firms invested internationally, they shaped markets by transferring brands and products, but they also had to respond to those new markets.
The ability of firms to dictate was constrained by their need to be profitable, and in a consumer products industry, profits came by offering things consumers wanted to buy. For Jones — as also for our research methodology — these are not questions that remain open. Unilever both shaped and served such milieu. Jones notes the variety of local factors which would force giants such as Unilever to ultimately give up their attempts at maintaining consistency in the homogenization of global advertizing discourse — based on his empirical analyses, he goes on to enumerate some of such factors:.
Its new strategy can best be understood within the theoretical framework provided us by Jones. If it were local factors which had to be taken into account, and if beauty products had to be made relevant to these local factors, Unilever advertizing discourse would have no choice but move towards a customization of its brands, and this would take its own particular form in the Greek case. At a more general level, Jones writes:. But such adjustment would itself prove to be insufficient and it could only be the truly Greek celebrity which could directly speak to the tastes of any Amalia Eleftheriadou.
But the choice had been pressed onto the Unilever discourse. Some of the basic pointers to such content would include the following:. What, in fact, would Unilever be doing? This historical process of discourse adjustment, whereby mass brands would constitute a terrain of ideological struggle based on uneasy compromises and a continual shift in the balance of forces, has been identified by the research work of Geoffrey Jones — in his own way, he would describe such historical process as follows:.
As yet, the consumer presence of the latter still remained too weak, incohesive and disorganized to have had a truly radical effect on the Unilever discourse. To fully comprehend such limits, we need to contrast the manner in which Unilever would adjust its discourse to the material conditions of, say, Germany and Britain, while it would ignore those of Greece. How did Unilever advertizing discourse respond to the particular material conditions of Germany and Britain?
Thanasoula and M-S. Stavrou make the following observations and which run parallel to those of Geoffrey Jones :. We see here that Unilever advertizing discourse would, not only respect, understand and adjust to the socio-cultural practices of Germany and Britain — it would also respond to the particular material manifestations shower or bath of such socio-cultural practices. Both Germany and Britain, of course were characterized by robust, well-organized civil societies: their working classes, themselves consumerist-orientated, were represented by powerful labour unions and well-entrenched political organizations such as the Labour Party in Britain and the Social Democrats in Germany.
Such cohesion would force Unilever advertizing discourse to submit to local national socio-economic practices and their material manifestations. Such impetus — and which would even be expressed politically — would set its own demands. But Jones goes further and examines how advertizing discourse would ultimately also have to take into consideration the material manifestations of industrialization, and how such manifestations would be expressive of a new localized taste.
It is at this point, Jones argues, that Unilever advertizing discourse would have no choice but respond to the local material conditions of a particular country or geographical region. Given developments in the material infrastructures of countries such as Greece, and given the variations in urbanization levels in the region, Unilever would ultimately have to yield to radical innovations in its advertizing discourse as also in the synthesis of its products. But we do know, following Jones, that constituents would be determined by the raw materials available in a particular geographical region.
Habermas, op. The process of change in discourse would be gradual, uneven and at times contradictory. That had constituted a victory for Amalia Eleftheriadou, at least as regards her identity as a young Greek woman.