Guide Soziale Arbeit mit Drogenabhängigen im Rahmen der Aids-Hilfe (German Edition)

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These crimes range from smuggling to prostitution and selling children. He wanted me to help him with his business. In order to get me help him, he accustomed me with drugs. Now I am involved in drug smuggling, though my husband has died. This is the means of getting drugs for myself. AIHRC report suggests that some female addicts even committed crimes such as prostitution and selling their children in order to make money or obtain drugs.

Some reports suggest the increasing role of drugs in booming corruption in Afghanistan. According to the Global Afghan Opium Report , 30 percent of the heroin laboratory owners said to have paid bribes to the governmental officials. Moreover, it is clear that without bribing the officials, it would be difficult to traffick and transport such huge amount of drugs to the international markets.

The country ranked in the world. In , Afghanistan saw GDP growth of Meanwhile, the unemployement rate in Afghanistan is quite high. Moreover, an estimated In , Afghanistan opium was cultivated on , hectares of land, making it the leading opium producer in the world the amount is very high compared to the data of ten year before. According to UNODC report , Afghanistan produced 3, tons of opium in which shows an increase of fold since The opium production increased dramatically in years coming.

In , Afghanistan produced 6, tons of opium compared to 3, tons in Moreover, the larger the production the greater the income. Bove mentions that only in Helmand province there are between and traders involved in opium trade. Moreover, some amount of the money is also allocated for bribing the security officials. Drug Trafficking Drug trafficking is one of the high profit activities related to the narcotics in Afghanistan. This billions of dollars worth trade is run in several countries by smugglers and traffickers and therefore plays a major role in running an illicit economy in Afghanistan.

Drug trafficking and trade in Afghanistan surged during the s and 70s when the opium cultivated in Afghanistan was easily sneaked in to Iran. The banning of poppy in Iran eventually encouraged farmers in Afghanistan to grow this plant and to smuggle them into Iran MacDonald, Clashes with Iranian law enforcement forces along the Afghan-iranian border were frequent.

The events lead to wast poppy cultivation around the country and specially in the areas controlled by Mujahidin Carpenter, Local warlords and drug traffickers took advantege of loose government control on some parts of the country in s and s. Moreover, the two decades of war eventually destroyed everything.

Farmers were no more able to store their crops and transport them as soon as possible to the market UNODC, Therefore, Afghan farmers focused on growing opium as this plant did not need facilities such as storage centers, marketing and transportation facilities. It is durable, easy to store and carry to the market. Opium in Afghanistan is not traded in huge amounts. Its small and rapid turnover buisness.

It is important here to know how the opium is collected and then sold in the international markets. According to Shaw , the process of opium collection and trafficking is often complicated. It is more like a pyramid, with the farmers located at the bottom and key traffickers located at the top.

Drug trafficking is directly connected with the demand inside Afghanistan and in global drug markets. Demand and supply of the drugs are also determining the prices and level of drug production. Therefore it is necessary to shed some light on demand and supply of drugs. The report further adds that most of them 77 million have used cannabies, In , there were 1.

In , 12, hectares of cannabies were grown in Afghanistan and most of them were smuggled into Europe through Balkan region. European Drug report claims that most heroin found in Europe are manufactured in Afghanistan and points to the Balkan and Central Asia as main routes for drug smuggling into Europe. According to the report, England, Italy, and France make half of this market. The report adds that most of the heroin consumed in this market is supplied by Afghanistan and smuggled through Balkan route.

The demand for heroin in this market is around 85 metric tons while Afghanistan exports metric tons of heroin with some amount being seized on roue in Islamic Republic of Iran and Turkey. The money made by Afghan drug traders from smuggling and selling heroin in Europe is huge. This clearly shows that Afghanistan is the major supplier of heroin to Russia. The report also claims the number of opiate users in Russia to be around 1. Furthermore, the drug problem in Russia as claimed by Ivanov has also resulted in declining population.

The report adds that Afghanistan exported 1, tons of opium in The mentioned amount was trafficked to Europe, Middle East and Russia through different routes. Drug Trafficking routes Looking at the numbers of drugs being consumed in the world market, it remains necessary to know about how such huge amounts of drugs get into those markets.

How smugglers are able to get drugs there. And which routes are used for the drug smuggling. According to the World Drug Report , drugs are trafficked and transported by three modes of transportation; road and rail, maritime, and air. The maritime trafficking makes 11 percent of all drugs trafficked. It is worth mentioning that the drugs produced in Afghanistan are reaching Europe and America through different routes. These routes go through Iran, Pakistan, and Central Asia. In , some tons of heroin was exported by Afghanistan.

The second route goes through northern provinces into the Central Asia. The third route goes through Zabul, Nimroz and Helmand provinces to the Baluchistan province of Pakistan. In southern Afghanistan, there is only official border post in Chaman area of Pakistan while Helmand leading drug producer and Nimruz have no official posts between the two countries which makes it easy for the traffickers to smuggle drugs into Pakistan UNODC, The Balkan Route: the Balkan route is seen as the shortest route of getting drugs into the European Market.

This route goes through Iran to Turkey and then to the former Yogoslavians countries. Turkey plays the main role of regional hub for drugs because of its geographical location. The country has also stepped up its operations of seizing drugs. The report then adds that north- western European countries such as Netherlands and Belgium are then playing the distributer role for heroin in Europe. The report adds that metric tonns of heroin is annually exported from Herat, Nimroz and Farah province into the Islamic Republic of Iran. The final destination for Afghan heroin in Europe is United Kingdom.

Tonns of drugs are also smuggled to Europe through the northern Balkan route. The drugs are then smuggled into Iran and handed over to the Iranian traffickers who then smuggle them into Turkey with the help of Kurds. According to the EMCDDA , drugs in the Balkan region are transported by trucks and buses while some are also smuggled through ports and by car. Moreover, the drugs are then sold and handed over to different traffickers along the route who then divides them into several small portions.

This route is quite vital for the illicit drug economoy of Afghanistan. Some of the mentioned amount is used by domestic addicts while some of that is trafficked into Iran and Middle East. UNODC World Drug Report mentions that Afghanistan share 2, km long border with Pakistan almost making it impossible for the border police of both sides to have a proper control over it. Meanwhile Pakistani consumers use 80 metric tonns of opium annually with most of it sourced in Afghanistan. Towards Gwadar port or the smaller fishing ports and open areas of the Makran coast or the main ports of Karachi and Port Qasim and further to international destinations via air or sea, mostly using cargo containers.

The report adds that Russia consumes 71 metric tons of heroin annually whil the CARs heroin demand is around 11 metric tons. Afghanistan and CARs have nine crossings with two of them located over the rivers. The drugs trafficked through these routes are worth billions of dollars. The mentioned amount is distributed among the sellers, traffickers, and farmers involved in this buiseness. Looking at this huge amount, there remains the question of how such huge amount of money is transferred. It is obivous that it is impossible to be transferred trough banks. Therefore, in order to transfer the money, those involved in this buisness use Hawala as the only solution.

So here it is important to know about the Hawala system, and its role in drugs trade. Hawala Definition and process: Hawala is an Arabic word which means to transfer. In the past, before the establishment of banks, Hawala was used to transfer money without physically moving it. The system works in a way that a person hands over some amount of money in a country to Hawaladar and in return gets a code from that person.

He can then give that code to his family member or someone else to collect the money from another Hawaladar in another country. The code means that the Hawaladar has received money in country A, and therefore his partner in country B can pay that amount to the person carrying the code Bowers, Thompson states that Hawala means the practice of transferring money and value from one place to another through service providers called Hawaladars.

Regarding the origins of Hawala, Faith mentions that Hawala was first originated in India and has been running for the last three centuries. Usually, Hawaladars charge 1 to 2 percent of the amount transferred. They might also provide discount and fewer charges if transferring amount belongs to their relatives of friends Maimbo, Moreover, it is efficient because the money transferred through Hawala takes less than 48 hours, while such a transfer through a bank will take at least a week.

Hawala is reliable because it works on trust between the Hawaladar and the person who wants to transfer the money.


Furthermore, Hawala requires less paper work compared to the banks and leaves no tail behind. The Hawala process consists of three main functions: money exchange, the sending and receiving of money, and the settlement of transactions. In Hawala trust is very important. Therefore, it is common to see several brothers running a Hawala business Thompson, nn. Hawala and illicit drug money in Afghanistan After two decades of war, in the financial sector of Afghanistan was found destroyed with banks looted and their equipments destroyed.

The Afghanistan Bank faced four key problems such as lack of skilled staff, banking hardware and software, poor payments of telecommunications networks, and existence of outdated legal and regulatory framework Maimbo, Therefore, with no formal banking system operating, Afghans turned to Hawala for money transfer purposes. Hawala in Afghanistan existed for centuries has thus has provided reliable and safe services. Currently there are around Hawaladars in Afghanistan Maimbo, As mentioned before, Hawala is used to transfer money from Afghanistan to abroad or vice versa.

Drugs trade is one of the externally generated incomes of Afghanistan, which means that the income generated from that in order to be distributed among the chain of people involved in drugs, needs to be transferred through Hawala. Moreover, the NGOs in order to pay the salaries of their employees, used Hawala to transfer the amount.

At that moment, there were no private functional banks in Afghanistan Hancock, Meanwhile, monitoring of hawaladars and tracing the source and recipient of hawala is difficult. It is mainly because hawaladars do not keep the records, hide their transactions, no one supervises them, and have close connection with corrupt officials Maimbo, Not all the drug money goes into the pockets of farmers, while some goes to the traffickers and the remaining goes to insurgents who in return provide protection to the farmers and traffickers.

Insurgency is a mixture of social and economic impact of narcotics in Afghanistan. On the one hand, drug addicts who are unemployed are often lurred by payments offered by the insurgents; and on the other hand, insurgents fund their activities by providing protection to the farmers and drug dealers. Moreover, since the invasion of Afghanistan in , the opium cultivation has boomed in Afghanistan.

The cultivation boom has also brought insurgency with it, mainly in the Southern and Eastern provinces where opium is widely cultivated UNODC, Such a wave of insurgency and drugs have forced the Afghan government and international community to combine counter- terrorism and counter- narcotics strategies together. In this chapter, we will discuss the links between insurgency and drugs and effectiveness of counter- narcotic strategy.

In this chapter, we will be discussing the link between insurgency and drugs in Afghanistan. Despite the deployment of thousands of international troops, insurgency is increasing day after day. Most researchers and commanders of the international troops in Afghanistan believe that insurgents finance their activities through opium production in Afghanistan.

Taliban is a word often referred to a group of armed militia with strict Islamic rules that controlled most parts of Afghanistan from to After the U. S in , Taliban fled to Pakistan but again resurfaced in Here it is important to know who they are and how they profit from opium in Afghanistan. Civil war erupted in after the withdrawal of invading Soviet Union troops in The mujahidin who once fought against the invading troops were now fighting with each other over the control of Kabul.

According to Nolan , the west abondoned Mujahidin and eventually left them on their own. The Mujahidin who were once receving millions of dollars in support from the west were now running out of money and therefore started fighting each other on resources. The majority of displaced Afghans took refuge in Pakistan where their children went to the schools and madrasas funded by Saudi Arabia Bajoria, At that time, Saudi Arabia was investing heavily in schools and madrasas in Pakistan in order to teach Wahabi version of Islam.

The first wave of Afghan refugees in 70s and 80s were targeted by radicals in Pakistan. They were viewed anti- soviets and were in favor of radical Islam Nolan, They quickly managed to capture territory and clean them from Mujahidin. Moreover, they were met with less resistance and were warmly welcomed by Afghans who saw them better than the Mujahidin Nolan, At the beginning, Taliban won hearts of many Afghans who were tired of local warlords, by punishing or expelling those warlords. Taliban forced women to wear head-to- toe veils, banning televisions, and punishing men who shaved their beards Bajoria, J.

S for embassy bombings in Kenya and Tanzania. This situation left Taliban in financial crisis, forcing them to take active part on opium business Peters, The attack sent shockwaves around the world and demanded a strong response from the international community. After the attacks, U. Taliban strongly rejected the demand and insisted on their respect for the hospitality Bajoria, J.

In October , the U. At the same time, the Northern Alliance and some Pashtun tribal leaders including Hamid Karzai began fighting against Taliban from inside Afghanistan. During the first days of the operation, Taliban resisted strongly despite losing thousands of soldiers, but their resistance eventually broke when Northern Alliance capture Kunduz and swept through territories in the North Nolan, After the fall of Taliban, their commanders fled to Pakistan or hid in Kandahar and Helmand provinces.

At that time, 4, international troops were in Afghanistan and based in Kabul province. With no strong military presence in South, Taliban resurfaced and regrouped. They started getting orders from Mullah Mohammad Omer, recruiting soldiers, and buy arms Peters, Taliban slowly gained influence in the South and East and even further expanded it to the West of the country.

The emergence of Taliban is also coincided with the increase in opium cultivation in Afghanistan. They accuse Taliban of protecting the harvests and taxing the production. The report adds that weapons are purchased and salaries of insurgents paid from the mentioned amount. How opium benefits insurgents The role of opium and drugs in insurgency studied in several countries indicate that insurgents have shown strong interest in financing their activities through the illicit economy.

Therefore, the links between insurgency and drugs in Afghanistan were noted when insurgents resurfaced in According to Bove , insurgents in Afghanistan benefit from various points of drug chain. They impose taxes during the cultivation, provide security for the transportation, and protect them from eradication. The income is mainly generated from four sources: levies on opium farmers; protection charges of laboratories; transit fees on convoys; and taxation of chemicals imported for opium processing.

Taliban first resurfaced in in Southern and Eastern provinces of Afghanistan. At that moment, these were the areas where farmers grew opium. Taliban immediately started creating problems for the incapable Afghan security forces by attacking their checkpoints and abducting their personnel. Their aim was to create a gap between the government and farmers Felbab-Brown, But before that, the Afghan government launched opium eradication campaign in The aim of the campaign was to eradicate opium and compensate Afghan farmers.

Conducted by local Afghan officials, interdiction efforts frequently targeted vulnerable small traders as well as competition, while increasing the profits of those who carried out interdiction. This on the one hand provided them with safe heavens inside Afghanistan, and on the other hand, gave them territory to rule and control Ebrahim, Furthermore, insurgents started imposing strict laws, regulations, and establishing mobile courts leading to no government control and reconstruction projects.

Ushr is a kind of tax imposed by Taliban in order to finance their activities. The Mullahs would then collect the Ushr and hand them over to the local commanders of Taliban. Ushr was first imposed during the Taliban rule in The amount shows that Taliban raised less money from opium cultivation than opium trade.

In some areas controlled by Taliban, the sub-commanders are responsible for the collection of Ushr. Peters mentions that the sub-commanders issue written receipts of the Ushr collection and submit the amount collected with the higher commanders. The process of Ushr collection is closely watched and monitored, and therefore any kind of misuse of it is strongly punished by the commanders. Ushr is not only imposed on opium but also on other crops such as wheat and rice, therefore making the income of Taliban much higher than the Ushr collected from opium Afghan Opium Trade, Zakat According to Sharia, Zakat is a tax that is imposed on a wealth levied 2.

According to the Afghan Opium Trade report , Zakat is 2. It is more of less voluntarily paid depending on the income of the payer. Another source of income generated from opium trade is free pass. Furthermore, Taliban also derive their income by protecting the opium convoys in volatile areas of Afghanistan. In such cases, Taliban will provide much needed protection to the convoys and will receive 2. In Zabul province, Taliban asked the private mobile phone carriers to pay them taxes and apparently blew some antennas when they refused Peters, A stronger link between the Taliban and opium was noticed in Paktika province when trucks were used to smuggle drugs out and weapons in to Afghanistan Afghan Opium Trade, Taliban also impose taxes on heroin labs working in their areas.

In , when the coalition troops captured Musa Qala district, they found 50 heroin labs belonging to the Taliban. In each lab, 50 to 60 people were said to be working Peters, Meanwhile, forced eradications and little compensation helped growing influence and presence of Taliban in Southern and Eastern Provinces. The eradications strengthened Taliban in four ways: poor Afghan farmers are too reliant on opium as their main source of income, and therefore the eradication of that left them in disarray and further poverty resulting in disconnection between them and local government officials.

The forced eradications also encouraged farmers to contact local Taliban and seek protection during the harvesting seasons. The farmers paid Taliban for such services. The forced eradications further cemented ties between the farmers and Taliban and therefore limiting cooperation between them and NATO troops on the ground.

Finally, the eradications also left farmers further deep in debt and forcing them to flee the area Felbab-Brown, Afghanistan- US counter-narcotics strategies Looking at the social, economic, and military impacts of narcotics in Afghanistan, the Afghan government and international community decided to implement counter-narcotics strategies that could best tackle the abovementioned problems. Since the invasion of Afghanistan in , the opium cultivation has peaked annually.

The program was stopped due to the corruption and moral hazards Felbab-Brown, In , the policy of interdiction was undertaken which focused on targeting drug traffickers and processing laboratories. According to Felbab-Brown , Afghan local commanders who used it to target their local rivals manipulated the mentioned policy. At the beginning, the US forces avoided opium eradication and therefore only focused on chasing the bad people.

According to Mercille , until , the US forces stayed away clear of narcotics in Afghanistan. Mercille mentions three main reasons for lack of US engagement in opium eradication in Afghanistan until One reason was that US by attacking Afghanistan wanted to prove that no one could challenge its security, while poppy played no role in challenging the US. Moreover, the Iraq invasion in totally diverted US focus from Afghanistan including opium.

Furthermore, these allies were paying the salaries of their militias through the drug trade and thus drying that source by the US could have hindered their counter-terrorism efforts Mercille, The US eventually shifted its focus to opium in when the insurgents slowly resurfaced in some Southern and Eastern provinces of Afghanistan.

Most importantly, these were the provinces where opium was widely cultivated. Moreover, through this pillar, the US Government wanted to inform the farmers and local elders about the side effects of opium, punishments affiliated with that, and alternatives provided by the international community. This aim of this pillar is to find an alternative for poppy. According to the strategy, the international community has been unable to find a crop that matches the income of poppy.

Therefore, the strategy urges the US government to combine eradication with alternative as well as focusing on improvement of private sector. Meanwhile, according to the US Counter Narcotics Strategy , the private sector and USAID have helped in reducing unemployment through establishment of factories and implementation of public projects.

The strategy gives following examples in support of this statement: - In , Afghanistan exported apples to India for the first time because of the demand for apples caused by a draught in that country - In mid- October , an Afghan juice factory was opened in Kabul that will buy fruit from 50, farmers of several provinces - USAID funded cash for work projects in several provinces. Such projects help in reducing unemployment and implementation of public benefit projects.

In , the Afghan Government developed its own National Alternative Livelihood Policy to develop alternatives for poppy. The policy states that projects such as milk collection and diary, community-based seed enterprises, conservation agriculture, organic export of dried fruits, protected agriculture, production, processing and marketing of saffron, and production of electricity as an enterprise were successful in providing alternatives for poppy.

Based on that, in , the Afghan Eradication Force was established consisting of armed personnel. In the beginning of , the force successfully eradicated poppy fields in some parts of the country but the progress slowed because of increasing attacks and lack of political will.

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According to Marcille , the Obama Administration in , decided to increase its focus on destruction of laboratories which could led to further disruption of opium trade. In , the Obama Administration also presented a list of 50 major drug traffickers to be targeted by the US troops in Afghanistan. The administration blamed them for having links with insurgents Mercille, The list was met with strong reaction from Afghan Government who says that such list undermines their legal system and can trigger a backlash against foreign troops. The report adds that Noorzai lured by the US officials to strike a deal in New York was detained there.

Baz Mohammad who was one of the founding members of Taliban Shura, was detained in and extradited to the US. He was convicted to 15 years in prison in Southern District of New York for drug conspiracy charges in Based on this pillar, the US Government supported 70 justice and prosecution advisor in Kabul and 5 provinces in order to build a central justice system, expanding it to the provinces, and increasing international justice coordination.

Meanwhile the Afghan government also increased its own efforts in curbing the narcotics problems. According to the article 7 of Afghanistan Constitution, the state prevents all types of terrorist activities, production and consumption of intoxicants muskirat , production and smuggling of narcotics. This article obliges the state to stop opium cultivation, smuggling and trade. Later on, based on this article, the Afghan government prepared Counter Narcotics Drug Law in , which is drafted to combat drug related activities.

In the article four, the law classifies and regulates the types of drugs in Afghanistan. Article five of the law, regulates the appointment of a Drug Regulation Committee as follows: a One medical and pharmaceutical expert from the Ministry of Health b Two experts from Counter Narcotics Ministry c And one Customs expert from the Ministry of Finance One of the main duty of this committee is issuing licenses for some drugs used only for medical purposes.

Article 7 of this law explains this process in details. Chapter four and article 15 of this law explains the penalties and drug related offenses in detail. The law also imposes strict penalties for those involved in drug trafficking, cultivation and possession. The mission of this force was to carry out counter narcotics operations in Afghanistan. The investigators were trained in Quantico, Virginia. These guys were trained in Quantico, Virginia. Established in , CJTF is responsible for the investigation of drug-related cases and sentencing the convicts.

The department has 32 investigators that have so far successfully investigated cases of drugs and alcoholic beverages and suspects across the country. According to the CJTF, the department of Finance and Administration is responsible for the day-to-day financial and management activities of this organization. The General Prosecution Department is responsible to prosecute the suspects and cases and transfer them to the primary court. In case of dissatisfaction with the decision of the primary court, the accused can appeal to the appeal court of CJTF.

In , CJTF convicted people for their involvement in drug- related crimes. In , the court convicted people while in , the court has so far convicted criminals. The Afghan Government drafted its own Counter Narcotics Strategy in which consisted of eight pillars: - Public Awareness - International and Regional Cooperation - Alternative Livelihoods - Demand Reduction - Law Enforcement - Criminal Justice - Eradication - Institution Building As discussed before in the US Counter Narcotics Strategy, five pillars of public awareness, alternative livelihood, law enforcement, eradication, and criminal justice are shared in both Afghan and US Counter Narcotic Strategies, but the pillars of international and regional cooperation, demand reduction, and institution building exists only in Afghanistan Counter Narcotics Strategy.

Therefore, here we are going to discuss the remaining three Afghan pillars: International and Regional Cooperation According to this pillar, the Afghan Government will improve its cooperation with neighboring countries such as Pakistan, Iran, and Central Asia on narcotics related issue. According to the National Drug Control Strategy , the Afghan Government will establish mutual- cooperation with its mentioned neighbors for better control of border and drug-related activities. The aim of this policy as described by the Ministry of Counter Narcotics is to prevent drug addiction, expand treatment and rehabilitation of drug addicts National Drug Demand Reduction Policy, Institution Building According to this pillar, the Afghan Government is responsible for the establishment of Counter Narcotics institutions that could better fight against drugs in the country.

According to the UNODC, the Afghan Ministry of Interior Affairs with the help of international community, established Counter Narcotics Police of Afghanistan that comprises of three sections: intelligence, investigation, and interdiction. Outcomes of Afghanistan-US Counter Narcotics Strategies Eradication When the US troops in Afghanistan noticed the role of opium in destabilization of the country in , they started funding the eradication teams and forces in Afghanistan.

The trained teams were flown to the opium fields where they manually eradicated poppy. Nevertheless, such efforts were often geographically limited because of insecurity and corruption. In one such case, nine tons of poppy was discovered in the basement of former governor of Helmand province who later became senator. In , the eradication of poppy in eastern provinces was met with violent strikes and protests as well as attacks on troops Felbab-Brown, According to the Felbab-Brown , alternative livelihood projects never materialized while case-for-work projects were only implemented in the cities of villages close to the city.

He adds that some farmers who were deeply hurt by the forced eradication and sold their daughters as younger as three in order to pay their debts. The main problem with eradication was that it was aimed at farmers rather than focusing on the roots of the problem. In fact, eradication even helped the rural population to turn against the government. The timing of eradication was also a sign of worry with most of eradications taking place during the harvesting season. In , the number of poppy-free provinces increased from 13 to 18 meaning that poppy was no cultivated in 18 out of 33 provinces of Afghanistan.

Some military experts believed that this achievement was due to the forceful eradication of poppy fields. In fact, the eradication of poppy played no part in bankrupting the Taliban. Even before the surge in opium cultivation and its links with the insurgents, Taliban had already managed to establish their base in Pakistan with the help of that country, charities from Middle East and smuggling of goods across Afghanistan- Pakistan border Felbab-Brown, In addition, the eradication played a key role in alienating local population from government and international community.

According to Felbab-Brown , eradication not only created distance between the local population and government but also between them and local influential elders who once supported the eradication and urged the residents to stop cultivating poppy. Most importantly, the eradication campaign also deprived the Afghan and international security forces from receiving vital intelligence about Taliban because the local residents cut their ties with them Felbab-Brown, Roads, small dams, canals, and irrigation systems were supposed to be constructed through this initiative but none of them took place.

In many cases, the alternative livelihood projects were not implemented in rural areas of the country because of insecurity and insurgency. In addition, some of these projects were also marred by corruption claims. Felbab-Brown mentions that insecurity in south of Afghanistan played a key role in slow reconstruction. He adds that the Kajaki dam reconstruction, which started after the fall of Taliban, is still underway. Meanwhile, switching crops by farmers is not always achievable through alternative livelihood projects, but through some other factors such as economic, agricultural, and security.

Conclusion Narcotics are one of the main problems faced by the world. Narcotic drugs one the one hand destroy the future generation of a country, while on the other hand, it damages the foundation of societies. This represents a huge number of addicts that are not only relying on state to treat them but are also involved in different types of crimes in order to fulfill their needs of buying drugs.

Drugs have their own social and economic impacts on each country including Afghanistan. According to the UNODC figures , Afghanistan had around one million drug addicts with , male and , female addicts. In fact, one million people addicts in a population of around 32 million people shows the high rate of drug addiction. The Afghan Government alongside international community has failed to overcome the issue, therefore leaving room for further addictions.

For centuries, opium poppy has been cultivated in Afghanistan but in small amounts.

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The cultivation only hiked during the holy war against Soviet Union in s. At that, the aim of opium poppy cultivation was to finance the holy war against the invading troops. However, the trend continued even after the withdrawal of invading troops because of lack of finance from west to the resisting forces.

During the civil war, the local commanders cultivated opium poppy to pay the salaries of their militias. In , Taliban took the control of Kabul city and the opium poppy cultivation continued as usual. At the meantime, because of strict international sanctions and lack of recognition as well as trade between Afghanistan and foreign countries, the Taliban supported the cultivation of this poisonous plant in order to finance their regime.

Meanwhile, suspicion still exists among the researchers, on the real motivation of Taliban behind the ban on opium. Some believe that the main aim of banning opium poppy by Taliban was to gain international support and some sort of recognition, while others believe that the aim was to increase the demand for opium so that they can sell their stocks of it for higher prices. The problem of opium poppy continues even after the establishment of western-backed Afghan government in The increase in opium poppy production also caused increase in drug addiction, HIV patients, as well as transfer of illicit money and insurgency.

In fact, it was the resurgence of Taliban and increase in opium poppy production in South and East of the country that most caught the attention of the international troops. In , the Americans believe that they can no longer afford watching the rise in opium poppy production, thus deciding to target the main traffickers. Some military experts also pointed out to the strong links between insurgents and opium.

They believe that Taliban protected the opium fields, collected taxes, and even provided safe passage and security to the traffickers.

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In addition, the Afghan government has also failed in curbing the illegal transfer of money through Hawala. Every year, millions of drug money is transferred through Hawala, which often goes into the hands of insurgents. Public information has only been provided to the farmers in secure areas, while leaving farmers in the insecure areas accessible to the insurgents. Eradication has failed badly after no alternative and compensation provided to the farmers.

Moreover, forced eradications have resulted in displacement of families, further poverty, distrust among the people and government, and leniency towards the Taliban. The reform of justice sector has been unsuccessful with the corruption rising day by day. Interdiction has fallen into the wrong hands, with some officials targeting their competitors through it. The USG and Afghan Government are still looking to find an alternative to poppy that can yield higher income.

In conclusion, I want to say that the problem of opium poppy requires decades to be solved. In fact, it requires commitment from inside and outside Afghanistan. It can be achieved through setting real and achievable goals. Illiteracy, poverty, and lack of security are still the main obstacles towards poppy-free country. Eradicating or eliminating poppy from Afghanistan, is first impossible, but if even achieved, then it can further deepen poverty among the farmers.

Currently opium poppy is the only income that can at least finance the basic needs of poor Afghans living in rural areas that have no access to clean water, electricity, and education. Therefore, my solution would be to keep the farmers grow poppy opium for at least a decade and focus more on building the infrastructure, improving living conditions, and finding a good alternative for poppy.

On the one hand, the government should force the ban and eradicate opium, and on the other hand, it should provide farmers with loans, subsidy, and alternative. It is clear that the demand for opium poppy comes from international markets and, the place where the prices of drugs are sky high. Therefore, the international community should also try to decrease the demand for drugs, increase border control, and share intelligence with other countries. Mullahs can urge the population to stop cultivating opium by providing religious reasons while the local elders can take advantage of their influence in doing so.

In fact, they should increase the number of treatment centers and build them in every district of every province. Such thing would be difficult, but not impossible. It will require the Afghan Government and international community to establish treatment centers throughout the country. It can be either separate or part of an already existing health center.

They should invest heavily in water dams, electricity, roads, clean water, and canals. Meanwhile, lack of water because of poor irrigation system encourages farmers to cultivate poppy, as it requires less water compared to other plants. Likewise, lack of electricity forces farmers to use generators, which increase the input, and expenses that can be only regained through the cultivation of poppy.

Lack of an alternative has also forced the poor farmers to cultivate poppy because it can generated higher profits compared to others. Therefore, the Afghan Government and international community should start promoting saffron which can generated the same amount of profit like poppy. Moreover, the expertise of saffron should be shared with farmers. While some loans were provided by private institutions, but they were rejected firmly by farmers because of high interest rates and small amounts.

Currently, poppy is the only product that does not need marketing. In fact, the buyers or traders themselves find farmers and pick the product from their farms. Furthermore, marketing of Afghan products in abroad will also help in selling them in good prices. Such thing can be achieved only through reform in police, judiciary, and availability of water, electricity and roads in rural areas.

Drug lords can be targeted through accurate human intelligence on the ground. Measures such as mentioning the source of money, full information of recipient, and amount of money will help in curbing the funding of terrorism through drugs. Therefore, it is the responsibility of Afghan government to clean its backyard from those corrupt officials. Such thing can help in winning hearts, minds, and keeping people away from insurgents and their influence. These are the areas where most of Afghan drugs flow towards West and Middle East. The Afghan Border Police should be increased in numbers and provided with better training as well as modern equipments such as night- vision goggles.

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Gender inequalities in the association between area deprivation and perceived social support: A cross-sectional multilevel analysis at the municipality level in Germany.

‘Mach’s mit’ (join in) - The national information campaign against the spreading of HIV in Germany

Mediator effect of balance problems on association between grip strength and falls in older adults: Results from the KORA-age study. New indexes of body fat distribution and sex-specific risk of total and cause-specific mortality: A prospective cohort study. Redefining diagnosis-related groups DRGs for palliative care - A cross-sectional study in two German centres.

Estimates of costs for modelling return on investment from smoking cessation interventions. Statistical methods for healthcare performance monitoring. Understanding perceived availability and importance of tobacco control interventions to inform European adoption of a UK economic model: A cross-sectional study. Longterm persistence and nonrecurrence of depression treatment in Germany: A four-year retrospective follow-up using linked claims data. A walnut-enriched diet affects gut microbiome in healthy caucasian subjects: A randomized, controlled trial.

A decision-analytic model to assess the cost-effectiveness of etelcalcetide vs.

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Demand for medical care by the elderly: A nonparametric variational Bayesian mixture approach. Regional differences in antihyperglycemic medication are not explained by individual socioeconomic status, regional deprivation, and regional health care services. Rural versus urban differences in end-of-life care for lung cancer patients in Germany. Who is where at risk for Chronic Obstructive Pulmonary Disease?

Health care costs associated with incident complications in patients with type 2 diabetes in Germany. Lifetime study in mice after acute low-dose ionizing radiation: A multifactorial study with special focus on cataract risk. Exploring the small-scale spatial distribution of hypertension and its association to area deprivation based on health insurance claims in Northeastern Germany.

Is it cost-effective to provide internet-based interventions to complement the current provision of smoking cessation services in the Netherlands? Heterogeneous pattern of differences in respiratory parameters between elderly with either good or poor FEV 1. Demand for medical care by the elderly: A nonparametric variational bayesian mixture approach. Effects of adherence to pharmacological secondary prevention after myocardial infarction on healthcare expenditures.

Comparison of costs and care of lung cancer patient at the end-of-life in Germany depending on the tome of survival after diagnosis. Ergebnisse der randomisierten kontrollierten German-Day-Care-Studie. Tweedie distributions for fitting semicontinuous health care utilization cost data. Erfahrungen aus Epidemiologie und Versorgungsforschung. Simulation modeling for stratified breast cancer screening - a systematic review of cost and quality of life assumptions. Accessibility of general and specialized obstetric care providers in Germany and England: An analysis of location and neonatal outcome.

Prices of over-the-counter drugs used by year-old adolescents in Germany and their association with socioeconomic background. Early career researchers want Open Science. Medical and psychosocial implications of adoelscent extreme obesity- acceptance and effects of structured care program - Yes Study. A consortium of the BMBF. Impact of regional socioeconomic variation on coordination and cost of ambulatory care: investigation of claims data from Bavaria, Germany.

Cancer incidence in urban, rural, and densely populated districts close to core cities in Bavaria, Germany. A walnut-enriched diet reduces lipids in healthy caucasian subjects, independent of recommended macronutrient replacement and time point of consumption: A prospective, randomized, controlled trial. The inconvenience of data of convenience: Computational research beyond post-mortem analyses.

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The non-linear relationship between BMI and health care costs and the resulting cost fraction attributable to obesity. Current health status and medical therapy of patients with pediatric-onset inflammatory bowel disease: A survey-based analysis on patients aged years focusing on differences by age of onset. Applying the health action process approach to bicycle helmet use and evaluating a social marketing campaign. Operating room efficiency before and after entrance in a benchmarking program for surgical process data. A comparison of costs and complications of manual compression and vascular closing devices in gemoral cardiac catheterization interventions.

A structured, manual-based low-level intervention vs. The German day-care study: Multicomponent non-drug therapy for people with cognitive impairment in day-care centres supplemented with caregiver counselling DeTaMAKS - study protocol of a cluster-randomised controlled trial. Regional deprivation is associated with the distribution of vulnerable asylum seekers: A nationwide small area analysis in Germany. Male sex and poverty predict abrupt health decline: Deficit accumulation patterns and trajectories in the KORA-Age cohort study.

International comparison of experience-based health state values at the population level. Allocating health care resources: A questionnaire experiment on the predictive success of rules. Longitudinal change in health-related quality of life in people with prevalent and incident type 2 diabetes compared to diabetes-free controls. Effectiveness of pulmonary rehabilitation for patients with asthma: study protocol of a randomized controlled trial EPRA. Cost-effectiveness of different strategies to prevent breast and ovarian cancer in German women with a BRCA 1 or 2 mutation.

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Meaning of "Drogenabhängiger" in the German dictionary

Incorporating environmental justice into second generation indices of multiple deprivation: Lessons from the UK and progress internationally. The hospitalization costs of diabetes and hypertension complications in Zimbabwe: Estimations and correlations. Manual compression versus vascular closing device for closing access puncture site in femoral left-heart catheterization and percutaneous coronary interventions: A retrospective cross-sectional comparison of costs and effects in inpatient care.

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    Relevance of community structures and neighbourhood characteristics for participation of older adults: A qualitative study. Cost-effectiveness of an individualized first-line treatment strategy offering erlotinib based on EGFR mutation testing in advanced lung adenocarcinoma patients in Germany. The association between lower educational attainment and depression owing to shared genetic effects?

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    Neighborhood and healthy aging in a German city: Distances to green space and senior service centers and their associations with physical constitution, disability, and health-related quality of life. The association between neighborhood economic hardship, the retail food environment, fast food intake, and obesity: Findings from the Survey of the Health of Wisconsin. Excess costs of comorbidities in chronic obstructive pulmonary disease: A systematic review.

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    Analysing horizontal equity in enrolment in Disease Management Programmes for coronary heart disease in Germany — Increased prevalence of cardiac autonomic dysfunction at different degrees of glucose intolerance in the general population: The KORA S4 survey. Chlamydia screening is not cost-effective at low participation rates: Evidence from a repeated register-based implementation study in the Netherlands. An economic perspective on childhood obesity. The excess health care costs of KardioPro, an integrated care program for coronary heart disease prevention.

    A systematic review of quality and cost-effectiveness derived from Markov models evaluating smoking cessation interventions in patients with chronic obstructive pulmonary disease. Cost-effectiveness of hip protector use on a geriatric ward in Germany: A Markov model. Economic evaluation of genetic screening for Lynch syndrome in Germany. Health-related quality of life in women and men with type 2 diabetes: A comparison across treatment groups. Using needs-based frameworks for evaluating new technologies: An application to genetic tests.

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