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He also develops a nuanced account of how literature and art do and should perform this function. For example, in On the Influence he specifies three distinct ways in which literature or poetry promotes the formation of moral character. Third, it also does so by conveying a range of practical experience that is conducive to the formation of moral character and which would otherwise have to be acquired, if at all, by the more arduous and painful route of first-hand experience.
In addition, Herder elsewhere implies a fourth important way in which literature contributes to moral formation: it is a fundamental principle underlying his Popular Songs that by vividly conveying the inner lives—for instance, the fears, hopes, and joys—of other people to its audience or readership, literature will stir their sympathies for them and hence inculcate more moral attitudes toward them.
Thus when he observes in On the Effect that in contrast to earlier poetry modern poetry has typically lost this function, he means this as a serious criticism of modern poetry. And he even applied this criterion as a ground for criticizing certain works by his friends Goethe and Schiller that he considered to be immoral or amoral in content.
Herder also develops a philosophically powerful and historically influential moral philosophy. This consists of a set of positions in both meta-ethics and first-order morality. Let us consider the former first. Herder already espoused such a position in How Philosophy Can Become , continues it in This Too a Philosophy of History where he usually refers to the sentiments in question as Neigungen , inclinations , and still holds it in Letters for the Advancement —7 where he usually refers to them as Gesinnungen , attitudes.
Herder took over this position from his teacher, the pre-critical Kant, who had similarly espoused a form of sentimentalism in Dreams of a Spirit Seer Via Kant it can ultimately be traced back to the British sentimentalist tradition, especially Hume, whose main argument for it Herder seems to echo at points in This Too a Philosophy of History : moral judgment of its very nature motivates; but reason does not motivate, only sentiments do that; therefore moral judgment must fundamentally consist of sentiments.
This can already be seen from the Critical Forests , where he argues against cruder theories of moral value that equate them with sentiments abstracted from all cognition, and where in the fourth part he indeed argues that sensations in general are concept-, belief-, and theory-laden. It can also be seen from On the Cognition and Sensation Nietzsche would later take over this sophisticated form of sentimentalism from Herder. He already champions such a position in On the Change of Taste , for example, indeed going as far as to say that the moral sentiments in question sometimes even get inverted, so that what one period, culture, or individual found morally praiseworthy another finds morally reprehensible.
This radical position can also be found in his published writings. Another radical thesis that Herder champions is that moral sentiments as a rule turn out to be both suitable to and explicable in terms of the particular type of society and mode of life to which they belong.
This is a central thesis in This Too a Philosophy of History. It purports to make a mentalistic phenomenon more intelligible by tracing it back to its historical origins and showing how these developed into it via a series of intermediate forms. Herder first developed this method in the mids in application to literary genres and language in Attempt at a History of Lyric Poetry and the Fragments respectively , but he then went on to apply it to moral and other values in This Too a Philosophy of History Since moralities change over time, one can contribute to explaining or better understanding the morality of a late age, for example, eighteenth-century Europe, by identifying the earliest morality in its historical tradition and then showing how this developed through a chain of subsequent moralities into the late morality in question.
This Herderian approach to explaining, or contributing to a better understanding of, morality would subsequently be taken over and developed further by Hegel, Nietzsche especially in On the Genealogy of Morality  , and Foucault.
As was also mentioned earlier, How Philosophy Can Become mainly emphasizes certain forms of education and an emotive type of preaching in this connection—both activities that Herder went on to theorize about at greater length elsewhere. But these are only two parts of a much broader theory and practice of moral pedagogy, or cultivation of the moral sentiments, that he developed over the course of his career, in what became one of his most central, distinctive, and consuming projects.
The additional causal mechanisms that he identified and supported included the influence of morally exemplary individuals, the law, and literature as well as the other arts.
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As can be seen from This Too a Philosophy of History , Herder believed that this project had a special historical urgency in his day because since the Renaissance and the Reformation the moral values that people profess, such as love of humanity, freedom, and honor, have largely become hollow, no longer genuinely anchored in moral sentiments, and therefore fail to serve the social function to which they would correspond.
This is the implication of a famous remark in This Too a Philosophy of History that where values are concerned. HPW — For further details, see Section 2 of the Supplementary Discussion. For at this level too he developed positions that are of great importance—for their intrinsic value, their influence on successors, or both.
One very fundamental, original, and attractive principle that he develops here is what might be called pluralist cosmopolitanism , in contradistinction to homogenizing cosmopolitanism. That tradition had usually championed a homogenizing form of cosmopolitanism, i. Moreover, this version of cosmopolitanism continues to be predominant among moral philosophers and worthy organizations such as the United Nations to this day. There is a huge problem with this form of cosmopolitanism, however: its assumption that human beings all share a great deal in common psychologically, especially in moral values, is false and attempting to make it true would require massive coercion.
Herder recognized this problem, but he did not throw out the baby of cosmopolitanism with the bathwater of homogenization. Instead, he developed a distinctive pluralist form of cosmopolitanism: a commitment to equal moral respect for all human beings despite, and indeed even in part because of , the diversity of their psychologies, and in particular their moral values. This position is prominent in the Letters for the Advancement , for example. This principle has both descriptive aspects—in particular, an implication of the unity of the human species and of the mere superficiality of racial differences—and normative ones.
Among the latter, it includes an implication of cosmopolitanism. It also includes implications of specific standards of decent treatment e. And it also functions as a sort of substitute for the concept of human rights , a concept that constitutes a closer specification of cosmopolitanism but which Herder tends to shy away from for various reasons see for this the section on Political Philosophy.
He already worked out this ideal in writings from This ideal would later go on to have an enormous influence on successors such as Schiller, Wilhelm von Humboldt who saw its realization as the highest purpose of the state and indeed even of the whole universe , and Hegel. Besides these several striking moral ideals, Herder is also committed to a range of much less surprising ones, especially ones associated with the Christian moral tradition, such as sympathy, love, forgiveness, honesty, justice, and equality.
This is arguably another great merit of his moral philosophy. In particular, he shows little interest in the issue of free will, hardly ever if at all implying that such a thing exists or that it is a precondition of moral responsibility. Freedom in the sense of a sort of autonomy , or flexibility , that exists within the limits of laws of nature and merely amounts to a certain liberty from constraint by narrow instincts and political freedom are another matter; he is interested in these. This position contrasts sharply with that of most modern moral philosophers, including Hume and Kant, for example.
However, it looks much less idiosyncratic if one takes a broader perspective and notices, for instance, that neither the earlier Greeks e. It had an enormous influence on successors such as the Schlegel brothers, Schleiermacher, Hegel, Nietzsche, and Dilthey. Herder makes the empirical exploration of the realm of mental diversity that this thesis posits the very core of the discipline of history. This choice is quite deliberate and self-conscious.
Because of it, psychology and interpretation inevitably take center-stage as methods in the discipline of historiography for Herder. Herder has deep philosophical reasons for this choice, and hence for assigning psychology and interpretation a central role in historiography. To begin with, he has negative reasons directed against traditional political-military historiography. There are several possible answers: 1 A first would be that they are fascinating or morally edifying.
But Herder will not accept this. For one thing, he denies that mere fascination or curiosity is a sufficiently serious motive for doing historiography. This leaves two other types of motivation that might be appealed to for doing the sort of historiography in question: 2 because examining the course of such deeds and events reveals some sort of overall meaning in history, or 3 because it leads to efficient causal insights that enable us to explain the past and perhaps also predict or control the future.
Herder is again skeptical about these rationales, however. His later writings depart from this early position in some obvious ways, but they also in important ways remain faithful to it. For further details, see Section 3 of the Supplementary Discussion. This motive finds broad application in his work.
One example is his exploration of past literatures in the Fragments largely with a view to drawing from them lessons about how better to develop modern German literature. This was a revolutionary invention that proved to be of enormous intrinsic value and which exercised a huge influence on the philosophies of important successors such as Hegel, Nietzsche, and Foucault. Herder initially developed this method in the s mainly in relation to poetry and language.
His unpublished Attempt at a History of Lyrical Poetry contains his earliest presentation of the method and applies it to poetry. His slightly later published work, the Fragments —8 , refines his presentation of it and applies it to language. He then goes on to apply the method to moral and other values. Hegel, especially in his Phenomenology of Spirit , Nietzsche, especially in On the Genealogy of Morality , and Foucault subsequently took over this method and modified it in various ways. It aspires to do so in two distinguishable ways, which together constitute what one might call the essential model of genetic explanation.
Someone who possesses his or her own distinctive concepts, beliefs, values, sensations, customs, art forms, and so on but does not compare them with perspectives that have lacked them altogether or possessed variant alternatives runs a grave risk of taking them to be universal and indispensable, and also of overlooking what is distinctive in their character.
The genetic method counteracts both of these types of self- misunderstanding by making one familiar with earlier historical periods that have lacked the relevant concepts etc. At a less basic level, it normally also includes a provision of one or another further sort of explanation that is more specific in character.
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For example, the method shows that lyric poetry began as, and then continued throughout its transformations to be, an expression of deep emotions; that languages developed gradually from primitive beginnings to achieve their striking later complexity; or that modern culture and its values arose through a series of accumulations and transformations of earlier cultures and their values. Finally, Herder is also impressive for having recognized, and, though not solved, at least grappled with, a problem that flows from his picture of history and intercultural comparison as an arena of deep variations in human mentality.
This is the problem of skepticism. For further details, see Section 4 of the Supplementary Discussion. Herder is not usually thought of as a political philosopher. But he was one, and moreover one whose political ideals are more admirable, theoretical stances more defensible, and thematic focuses of more enduring relevance than those of any other German philosopher of the period.
His most developed treatment of political philosophy occurs relatively late, in a work prompted by the French Revolution of the Letters for the Advancement of Humanity —7 including the early draft from , which is important for its frank statement of his views about domestic politics. Let us begin with his political ideals , first in domestic and then in international politics. In domestic politics, the mature Herder is a liberal, a republican, a democrat, and an egalitarian this, it should be noted, in historical circumstances where such positions were by no means commonplace, and were embraced at a personal cost.
His liberalism is especially radical in that it advocates virtually unrestricted freedom of thought and expression including freedom of worship. John Stuart Mill would later borrow from these considerations—largely via Wilhelm von Humboldt—to form the core of his own case for freedom of thought and expression in On Liberty. Herder is also committed to republicanism and democracy advocating a much broader franchise than Kant, for example. He has several reasons for this position, ultimately deriving from an egalitarian concern for the interests of all members of society: 1 He feels it to be intrinsically right that the mass of people should share in their government, rather than having it imposed upon them.
He does not reject class differences, property, or inequalities of property outright. But he does oppose all hierarchical oppression; argue that all people in society have capacities for self-realization, and must receive the opportunity to fulfill them; and insist that government must intervene to ensure that they do receive it, for example, by guaranteeing education and a minimum standard of living for the poor. Popper in The Open Society and its Enemies . Some other philosophers from the period deserve such a characterization for instance, Fichte.
But where Herder is concerned it is deeply misleading and unjust. Kant's is undermined by various prejudices that he harbors — in particular, racism, antisemitism, and misogyny Kleingeld Herder does also insist on respecting, preserving, and advancing national groupings. However, this is entirely unalarming, for the following reasons: 1 For Herder, this is emphatically something that must be done for all national groupings equally —not just or especially Germany!
Moreover, Herder has compelling reasons for this insistence on respecting national groupings: 1 The deep diversity of values between nations entails that homogenization is only a fantasy: non-existent and impracticable. For further details, see Section 5 of the Supplementary Discussion. In a sense that is true, but philosophically defensible; in another sense it is false.
It is true in the following sense. And is this not indeed philosophically a good thing? But that is again quite deliberate, given his sentimentalism in ethics, and his rejection of such theories as both false and harmful. And is he not again right about this, and the absence of such an account therefore again a good thing?
Nor is Herder sympathetic with such tired staples of political theory as natural rights, the state of nature, the social contract, the general will, and utopias for the future. But again, he has good specific reasons for skepticism about these notions. So this again seems like a good thing. But he lacks it on principle , and is arguably quite right to do so. First, consistently with his general empiricism, his position in political philosophy is deeply empirically informed.
For instance, as can be seen from the Dissertation on the Reciprocal Influence of Government and the Sciences , his thesis concerning the importance of freedom of thought and expression, and the competition between views that it makes possible, for producing intellectual progress is largely based on the historical example of ancient Greece, and in particular Athens, as contrasted with later societies, such as Rome, that lacked the freedom and competition in question.
This standpoint absolves him of the need to do certain sorts of theorizing—not only precluding any need for cognitivist groundings of the moral intuitions in question, but also promising short, effective solutions to various problems that might look like real brain-teasers to a cognitivist. Some of his extensive theorizing about causal means education, exemplary individuals, laws, literature, and so on has already been discussed earlier in this article.
These two sorts of political theorizing—empirical theorizing and theorizing about moral sentiments— are deeply developed in Herder. And they arguably have much more point than the sorts that are not. And in another, more important, sense it is not theoretically superficial at all. Leibniz, Kant, Hegel, Schleiermacher, and many others played this game—each proposing some new reconciliation or other. Herder was part of this game as well. This was not a good game for philosophers to be playing. But it was not until the nineteenth century that German philosophy found the courage to cut the Gordian knot and turn from apologetics for religion and Christianity to thoroughgoing criticism of them the prime examples being Marx and Nietzsche.
This happened as the result of what would today be classified as a mild nervous breakdown documentable from his correspondence at the time , and should basically be discounted. Notwithstanding these qualifications, Herder did make important contributions to the philosophy of religion—that is, important in terms of their intrinsic value, their influence, or both.
One of these contributions important mainly for its influence lies in his neo-Spinozism. But its main expression occurs in God: Some Conversations from Jacobi had himself argued, sharply to the contrary, that Spinozism, and indeed all fundamental reliance on reason, implies atheism and fatalism, and should therefore be rejected in favor of a leap of faith to a conventional Christian theism. In God: Some Conversations Herder intervened.
But whereas Spinoza had characterized this single, all-encompassing principle as substance , Herder instead characterizes it as force , or primal force. By contrast, Herder claims that it does have intentions. And since his general philosophy of mind identifies the mind with force, his identification of the principle in question with force also carries an implication that it is a mind he does not yet quite say this in God: Some Conversations , but a few years later in On the Spirit of Christianity of he explicitly describes God as a Geist , a mind.
For forces are of their very nature expressed in the behavior of extended bodies. In this connection, as has already been mentioned, he champions a strict secularism. This was already his position in the s. At that period he argued firmly, in the spirit of Galileo, for disallowing revelation any jurisdiction over natural science—though he did so not in an anti-religious spirit but in the hope and expectation that an autonomous natural science would confirm religion. And he made a parallel case for the autonomy of interpretation : Religious assumptions and means have no business interfering in the interpretation of texts either, even when the texts are sacred ones.
Instead, even the Bible must be interpreted as the work of human beings, and by means of the same sorts of rigorous hermeneutic methods that are employed for interpreting other ancient texts—any religious enlightenment coming as a result of such interpretation, not entering into the process itself. In adopting it he was self-consciously following the lead of several recent Bible scholars—in particular, Ernesti, Michaelis, and Semler. However, his secularism is more consistent and radical than theirs, in particular because it foreswears not only any reliance on a divine inspiration of the interpreter but also any assumption that the Bible, as the word of God, must be true and consistent throughout.
For further details, see Section 6 of the Supplementary Discussion.
For example, concerning the Old Testament, his commitment to applying normal interpretive methods enabled him to distinguish and define the different genres of poetry in the Old Testament in a way that was superior to anything that had been achieved before. For both of these achievements, see especially On the Spirit of Hebrew Poetry. And his rejection of unwarranted allegorical interpretations allowed him to substitute for the prevailing interpretation of the Song of Solomon as religious allegory an interpretation of it as simple erotic love poetry that is today generally accepted as correct.
As was mentioned, he did not by any means intend his championing of the cause of intellectual conscience in insisting on the autonomy of natural science and interpretation to undermine religion in general or Christianity in particular; on the contrary, his hope and expectation was that both sorts of autonomy would in the end support religion and Christianity. However, this hope has been sorely disappointed. Autonomous natural science has increasingly made religion generally and Christianity in particular look problematic. Much of what Herder has ultimately achieved in this area would therefore be deeply unwelcome to him.
For further details, see Section 7 of the Supplementary Discussion. Adler and Koepke an excellent collection of articles covering a wide range of topics ; Beiser ch. Aarsleff ; Coseriu ; Forster , a, ; Hacking , ; Sapir an excellent discussion of the Treatise on the Origin by an important twentieth-century linguist ; Taylor , , Forster especially chs. Berman ; Forster ch. Broce ; Coseriu ; Forster ch. Forster chs.
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Barnard ; Beiser ; Bollacher ; Forster b, a; Gadamer ; Irmscher , ; Lovejoy helpful and concise ; Maurer ; Meinecke  ch. Barnard chs. Ergang ; Forster , , a, b, c, a, b, c, , b; Gillies ; Harris ; Heinz ; Jacoby ; Taylor ; Zammito , Life and Works 2. Philosophical Style 3. General Program in Philosophy 4. Philosophy of Language, Interpretation, and Translation 4. Role in the Birth of Linguistics and Anthropology 6. Philosophy of Mind 7. Aesthetics 8. Moral Philosophy 9. Philosophy of History Political Philosophy Philosophy of Religion Intellectual Influence This thesis is already prominent in On Diligence and in the Fragments.
To his credit, Herder normally refrains from advancing a more extreme, but philosophically untenable, version of the thesis, favored by some of his successors, that simply identifies thought with language, or with inner language. Meanings or concepts are—not the sorts of things, in principle autonomous of language, with which much of the philosophical tradition has equated them, e. Die Geschehnisse werden aus der Sicht des Kindes geschildert: The events are portrayed from a child s point of view, containing amusing and grotesque scenes that do not deny certain moments of tragedy..
Whilst the King carries on using his peculiar kingly expressions, the vocabulary of his wife and daughter changes very quickly, and they adapt to their changed situation linguistically.. Particularly amusing is the episode when the street children are assigned the task of telling fairy tales, and change not only the well-known characteristic style but also the moral thrust of the story: Although this is not a picture book in the conventional sense, the illustrations by Sybille Hein are far more than decorative trifles.. An amusing drama about people trying to come to terms with themselves and others..
Und all das hatte der Agent Fabs die Frechheit, Tantchen einreden zu wollen ; das war der Dank, weil sie ihn auf den Boden hinaufgeschafft hatte.. All this Agent Nob impudently tried to cram into Aunty ; that was her thanks for getting him into the cockloft.. The story the agent told was amusing enough to hear, but there were mockery and spite behind it.. In addition, it was even more embarrassing that Matt thanked the audience after each Song for their good behaviour what good behaviour?
Once amusing history of the Kalif Harun El Rashid, the beautiful baker woman and its husband.. In addition I have to state the quite unprofessionel German dubbing and a partial very strange translation, which contribute to the fact that the game sometimes is inadvertently amusing.. On the other hand "Time Paradox" is very imaginative, not least because of the many fairy tale characters..
And in her following books as well, Trauriger Tiger toastet Tomaten i. These books are indeed comical , above all because they make language visible in unaccustomed ways.. Nadia Budde developed her first episodically narrated story in at the invitation of the comic magazine Strapazin.. The musical language, the rhythmic voice and the dynamic narrative join together in an enthralling book about the interplay between power and powerlessness, hope and desperation, a book that is both horrifying and immensely comical.. Doch es dauerte nicht lange und er konnte sein komisches Talent als Konzert Pianist und als Pierrot einsetzen..
But it didn t last long till he was able to put his comical talent into action as a concert pianist and a pierrot.. The hate, the rage, and the anxiety in Elektra was discharged with intoxicating cogency.. A lyrical and sensual beauty also glowed in the music, strangely foreboding Strauss ' next opera, the comical , romantic Rosenkavalier..
Als ich neulich bei Sheila zum Video Schauen war, kamen wir irgendwie auf Disney.. Although we actually watched a David Lynch film, the end of which somehow was his beginning and his supporting cast could possibly have been the devil — or just a comical wretch, which may be in different places at the same time and its main actress perhaps both times was blond and dark times equal…. It is not at all once the guys from Bonaparte himself, although with very tangled hair, occur comical makeup and masks perform the actual stage show three wacky Perfoprmer, one of which is living in Berlin, Molly Black, I learned in the evening Bassy actually called so..
In his work, which in equal measure encompasses both humor and humility, it is this tragic but comical keynote that evokes strong, but sometimes also oppressive emotions in us, especially when Cattelan, in all his diversity, repeatedly centers on death as his central motif.. Fiktion und Improvisation, Spiel und Dokumentation wechseln sich in schnellen Szenen ab, mal tiefschwarz bis heiter, mal pessimistisch oder verspielt.. The piece changes as quickly from fiction to improvisation, from play to documentary as the scenes — sometimes dark, sometimes light, pessimistic, or playful..
Because during all of this, the actors are aware of their own, often comical contradictions.. We are using the following form field to detect spammers. Please do leave them untouched. We are sorry for the inconvenience. Please note that the vocabulary items in this list are only available in this browser. Amazon Prime Music Stream millions of songs, ad-free. Collection times vary, please wait for your Ready to Collect email before visiting the warehouse. Prepaid codes are delivered to you via email as soon as payment has been approved.
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