Guide Yenni: In the Rhythm of Everyday

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On the ground, on all fours, my breaths coming out in uneven intervals, my vision blurring, the bl. Sleep was impossible.


Each toss and turn and shift in position made discomfort increase. Germany's eyes stung whenever he opened or closed them. His breathing was heavy and his heart pounded in his ears. They weren't someone else's memories being passed down to him. They were his. All this time, Germany has been recovering from major long term amnesia. His name wasn't even Germany for Christ's sake. He always had been. And World War I was not the first time he had been introduced to Italy. The thoughts played over and over again in his head. William and ment is not only about respecting those turns but also about Lalo both have children and, although they love their land understanding that, even if the tourist bonanza, as with many and work very hard to provide for their families, decided to other bonanzas, is not driven by peasants, they have to make send their kids to the nearest city to live with relatives so that serious and active judgments about their form of engagement.

S52 Current Anthropology Volume 59, Supplement 18, April they openly include both legal and illegal economies in their habitants. I love it! Local corruption in the state administrative region of Mag- least from economic transactions but take the most blame. Many authors Corruption, in turn, is the idiom used by locals to explain have studied the forms of sociality emerging from unregulated why people do not believe in the power of the ballot box.

Yenni in the Rhythm of Everyday - Eugenia Jenny Williams - Google Books

For economies. As William explains, legitimate or licit. What you hear about more are the traditional fami- ethical.

Dasanama lan kosok bali saka fry-up ing bausastra dasanama Basa Inggris

You can really see the backward effect of this In particular, these links refer to the expansion and profound in Santa Marta [the state capital of Magdalena]. Giraldo not only managed the coca trade but built an cluded from urban middle-class anti-corruption crusades for entire militia, allied himself with politicians and the military, Colombia, see Isaza ; for Argentina, see Muir Also, and determined regional and political elections. He was the the distance campesinos feel from corruption, in contrast with ruling force.

People recount the atrocities he com- they have not been included within the petty forms of clien- mitted, including his now well-known taste for young virgin telism and corruption and have not received the favors of ga- girls Wills et al. He was a crucial node in the network In contrast to many other contexts in Colombia, of favors that built the intricate webs of corruption through- Latin America, and beyond, corruption here is not a form of out the region.

As I will show in what follows, there are dif- relationships with people and, in many contexts, with many ferent ethical registers between illegality and corruption given other companions including animals, crops, land, and water. Our ethical lives you! They also tend to avoid working in local disturbing the cattle again at dawn.

She likes to run like a crazy coops or being part of other forms of community organiza- animal! Last week she broke two fences. She is young, but I tion. And if she gets in, it is only because you force nanza. As is the case with every other local inhabitant, they her to, really force her to do so. I remember that one of my deeply care for their families, but they also share the desire for mules, Catapilo [named after Caterpillar machines], would money, enjoy showing off, and actively mobilize their saints, start to walk slowly some nights and cautiously, even crouch- balms, protective stones, or other amulets to guard them from ing down.

I think it was because of envy. Because it and continues. Current approaches that build on ecologies beyond the human cardo [a close neighbor] lent a mule to a friend of his and then have actively shown the different rationalities that shape everyday life. Alirio has always been up with local political aspirations. It was very good business.

Many episodes full share. So the journalist did the tour, and then he One of the most recent episodes, commented on in the past published an article. Last William. He man- humor in the tale. Alirio appeared in an international jour- happened to them.

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At least he was not so dumb as to give his I heard many different accounts of this impasse, but the moral name! It stated something along cente: The Coca Teacher. The journalist tricked him. He appeared gotten burnt several times. Like a stubborn mule, they have not to be just another tourist and paid for the tour. Although the Factories were very well known here, although narratives of such anecdotes were, as usual, a mixture of hu- only Alfonso and Alirio had them. This Figure 2. Bocarejo Thinking with Il legality S55 was an example of how certain modes of engaging in bonan- type of work and overall engagement people have with its zas bring harm and bitter disappointment and a way of ac- production.

Following Alirio, campesinos share the perception knowledging the necessity of controlling greed and ambition. Given the random- illegality, an approach that, although shared by most campe- ness of what we may call legal or illegal, where does corrup- sinos, was told in a particularly clear and blunt manner. Such tion stand?

Such networks are again forged within both legal and illegal activities. Before it was free, but in the end Comaroff vii. Then they turned around and said abstractly and universally, as substantively for those whom its this was national heritage and illegal, even though the em- perversion has repeatedly disempowered. Peasants have been left out of the looters. I mean, what does an archeologist do?

Like that guy, who is now mechanisms of representation in place since the s. There even an ambassador. What Alirio is say- the people. Who is livelihoods and landscapes are seen as merely a functional and making the law? And why is it that, economic problem.

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Finally, they cannot use the mechanism of within state legal enactments, those in a subaltern position seem prior consultation in place for ethnic communities in their ter- to always lose? There is more to say than simply that illegal ritories to demand consultation before any project is carried activities are rendered licit practices, permissible, or legitimate out e. Hence, peasant farmers have given the context in which they take place Roitman On the one hand, when I asked Alirio if there was a parallel in The lack of an active use of legal mechanisms does not the history of looting or mining to that of marijuana or coca, he mean that peasants do not talk about the law.

Peasants know stated, the state legal sanctions that portray campesinos as environ- mental predators, as noncompetitive entrepreneurs, or as il- For me, he who smokes does a really bad job, and he who legal subjects very well. Moreover, in the past several decades, consumes does a really bad job. Moreover, it implies un- they experience from corruption. They engaged actively in the processes of local state mies and the complex assemblages of politicians, state bureau- formation. In that sense, corruption is not a result of a parallel crats, police, armies, economic elites, and peasants.

Local inhabitants feel the effects of these iconography.

Yenni: In the Rhythm of Everyday

Law and electoral pol- the diverse and somehow contradictory ways in which the state itics, the state and the judiciary, are precisely not where peas- is formed and imagined in different localities and regions, and ants look to substantiate their theories of right and wrong. Campesinos do not repudiate the law, but they do not necessarily appropriate its languages and 7. In contrast, corruption is seen as preceding illegality, as and illegal economies, to trespass certain ethical judgments something even external to it. Corruption, in contrast, is not have had to pay the price for it in their everyday lives e.

Following the peasant trope of thinking with through sickness, bad luck, hate, and envy. Moreover, as with mules, in spite lustrate the dangers, risks, and price of playing with the ran- of being a sterile hybrid, corruption is unceasingly socially domness of legality and with the chance of widening the reproduced over and over. In fact, the campesinos seem to be the only ones respon- road. Cor- for guaranteeing even the possibility of being alive.

State institutionality is seen as the center from which corruption is enacted but not Final Remarks: Ethics and Politics completely controlled, as it involves, in this case, a wide num- The ethical standing of illegal and legal economies appears to ber of intricate relations that go beyond state institutions and be the result of a strange mix of circumstances that shape the include local elites, politicians, or paramilitary militias. The different bonanzas that ruption.

Illegality may be an unexpected consequence of oth- campesinos have lived and worked through, after all, have dealt Figure 3. S58 Current Anthropology Volume 59, Supplement 18, April with issues of justice, fairness, and inequality in a more open Acknowledgments manner than the state legal system or electoral politics. I also thank the participants of the symposium on also to the state-sanctioned lawfare against campesinos. For some, the entan- and Sarah Muir.

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