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Kathleen S Lamp | Arizona State University - uvinigyz.tk

Lamp argues that Augustus was faced with the rhetorical problems not only of how to consolidate his rule in Rome, but also how to create a new system of government and to create rhetoric that defined, legitimized, and popularized it. Enlarging the scope of rhetoric beyond forensic, deliberative, and epideictic speechmaking to include visual and other media, Lamp illustrates, is not simply a projection of twenty-first-century rhetorical perspectives onto Roman rhetoric; rather, Roman rhetoricians themselves included these media in their theories and their practices. A detailed review of Roman theories and beliefs permits Lamp and her reader to engage the multimediated rhetorical practices of Augustan Rome in rhetorical terms—as the Romans themselves would have experienced and understood them.

Beginning with the Ara Pacis —the Augustan Altar of Peace—Lamp illustrates the development of the Augustan myth, which rooted the principate in the stories of Aeneas and of Romulus and Remus, establishing sole authority without identifying with the mythically expelled system of Roman kings. She shows how the development of the Augustan myth appealed to and gave a role to the common people of Rome.

This was not democracy, but it was broadly popular civic participation, and, while it asserted the authority of the ruler, it implicitly acknowledged the obligation of the ruler to establish and sustain his legitimacy through rhetorical means that were widely shared. Members of my graduate school cohort and writing group at the University of Illinois supported me in more ways than I can say and for which I am truly grateful.

I would also like to thank my colleagues at Arizona State University in rhetoric and composition, the Department of English, and those who integrate a love of classics and archaeology into their work regardless of home department, especially those who have mentored me as I have settled into my first faculty position. Finally I would like to thank all of my students, particularly those students and a remarkable colleague , who braved my first graduate seminar on classical rhetoric at ASU and let me try out some of the arguments in this book.

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Portions of chapters 2 and 3 appeared in essay form in Philosophy and Rhetoric and Rhetoric Society Quarterly, respectively. I would like to thank the anonymous reviewers, readers, and audience members who provided feedback in these venues. The American Society for the History of Rhetoric ASHR continues to strive to provide invaluable opportunities for research and networking at summer institutes, symposia, and panels coupled with NCA and RSA, many of which aided the development of this book. The Department of English at Arizona State University funded research travel to Italy allowing me to study, move around, and photograph many of the rhetorical artifacts discussed in the following chapters.

A City of Marble - The Rhetoric of Augustan Rome (Electronic book text)

Brent Chappelow provided developmental editing. Richard Leo Enos and an anonymous reviewer for the University of South Carolina Press provided valuable feedback for revision. Remaining errors are mine and mine alone. Finally, I would like to thank my family, especially my husband, Christopher Freundt, and my parents, Lloyd and Kay Lamp, for the love and support necessary to sustain me through this process.

The Augustan Age

While this book is the product of my formal education, I hope always to be a student of classical rhetoric. Perhaps no words that Augustus, the first sole ruler of Rome, who reigned from 27 B. Dio explains, In saying this he was not referring literally to the state of the buildings, but rather to the strength of the Empire. Maecenas advises Augustus, Make this capital beautiful, spare no expense in doing so, and enhance its magnificence with festivals of every kind.

It is right for us who rule over so many peoples to excel all others in every field of endeavor, and even display of this kind tends to implant respect for us in our allies and to strike terror into our enemies. The idea that aspects of the Augustan cultural campaigns, most notably art and architecture, functioned rhetorically is, perhaps, not a new revelation. After all, George Kennedy acknowledged as much forty years ago when he declared, In addition to the oratory and criticism which we have considered, other artistic products of the Augustan age contain manifestations of rhetoric.

Octavius, later known as the emperor Augustus. After all, art historians such as Paul Zanker have dedicated entire volumes to the new visual language … a whole new method of visual communication represented by the Augustan cultural campaigns. First is the so-called decline theory, that is, whether rhetorical practices suffered adversely in the transition from republic to empire, which leads to broader questions about the practice of rhetoric in nondemocratic societies.

Second is what counts as a rhetorical text and whether rhetorical practice can include artistic products that fall outside traditional oratorical genres in classical rhetorical theory and practice. Laurent Pernot stresses that for Tacitus these causes are interrelated because it is precisely the lack of real political stakes that has forced rhetoric under the emperors back upon declamation. In other words, for Tacitus, the end of political liberty and the decline of rhetoric go hand in hand.

Dionysius champions the return and triumph of the Attic style over the Asiatic, but for him this revival goes far beyond style and is rooted in a return to a rhetoric that is truly a philosophic art. He praises the present age and the men who guide its culture—that they were pioneers in the promotion of good taste over bad … but equally to be commended is the rapidity with which they have brought about this change and measure of improvement.

For Dionysius this change for the better began with the conquest of the world by Rome. These two views—the decline theory and the renaissance—have led to various narratives about the quality of the practice of rhetoric in the principate among scholars of rhetoric. Based off of Tacitus, a kind of decline narrative of rhetoric in the Roman empire emerged. According to Pernot, "Traditionally scholars, following Tacitus, have adhered to the decline thesis, as explained by the political situation.

This is the source of the prevailing view in modern historiography that holds that rhetoric under the Empire no longer exists or is reduced to declamations, recitiones, and empty encomia…. Yet such an opinion caricatures the thesis by going further than its original proponents did, for they recognize that even in their own time good orators still existed. Even as the field of rhetorical studies moves away from decline theory, a move Pernot argues is historically warranted, it often creeps back in to accounts of rhetoric in the principate as determinations about the quality of rhetorical practice.

As Pernot reminds us, once the … intellectual shock at the newness of the imperial regime … [was in the] past, rhetoric evolved and prospered in a new setting with which contemporaries were comfortable. The Roman Empire came to resemble a greatly ramified version of the old Hellenistic kingdoms. Within this world, as within the older Hellenistic world, there remained a considerable occasion for pragmatic as well as epideictic rhetoric, and considerable opportunity for the skilled, well-educated and typically well born practitioner of discursive art—in local courts and councils; in embassies, petitions, letters, appeals, and lawsuits.

Kennedy, equating rhetoric with persuasion, includes monuments and buildings in Augustan rhetorical practices. I would argue this inclusion is historically warranted and not an anachronistic imposition of contemporary rhetorical theory on Roman rhetorical practices. Even a more conservative view that excludes artistic products, such as that of Laurent Pernot, who narrowly defines rhetoric as the spoken word, predominantly public discourse, sees an expansion of the domain of rhetoric in the early empire accounted for in Quintilian that encompasses virtually all forms of discourse.

That culture was heavily influenced by rhetorical theory and, in turn, culture guided civic participation and rhetorical practice. Given the renewed emphasis on culture in the principate, it is hardly surprising that the epideictic genre expanded and flourished.

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Once thought to be little more than sycophantic praise in the Roman empire, the genre has been greatly recouped by scholars such as Pernot and Walker. Pernot argues, the rhetoric of the encomium is the bearer of a morality with strong philosophical undertones that could contain both carefully couched proposals as well as subtle exhortation.

While certainly praise was directed at the emperor, many examples of state-sponsored rhetoric also take the form of epideictic rhetoric. Pernot cautions against dismissing both forms too quickly: the ancient rhetorical encomium, however, was never just cant, perhaps precisely because of its rhetorical nature.

Rhetoric implied, as the ancients saw it, qualities of subtlety, intelligence, culture, and beauty, which went beyond what would have satisfied a purely totalitarian usefulness. The genre leaves a great deal of room for subversion, predominantly in what is left unsaid. In other words, because the genre is largely formulaic, in that a speech of praise covers set topics, deviation from form speaks volumes. The cultural campaigns, then, created a large number of rhetorical artifacts that were meant to persuade and often instruct the people of Rome in the ways they could think about and participate in a new and unfamiliar type of government.

Often these rhetorical artifacts—in the form of buildings, monuments, coins, altars, and even city planning—create a kind of philosophical discourse on ideal citizenship. These rhetorical media were met with popular responses in visual and material forms and establish a kind of bilateral discussion on civic participation in the principate. Any discussion of the Augustan cultural campaigns, of course, will inevitably lead to discussions of state-manufactured culture and the possibility of culture as oppressive, stifling dissent and even individual expression.

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There is even a tendency to think of Augustan rhetoric using the contemporary. This action might not be possible to undo. Are you sure you want to continue? Upload Sign In Join.

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Save For Later. Create a List. Summary In A City of Marble, Kathleen Lamp argues that classical rhetorical theory shaped the Augustan cultural campaigns and that in turn the Augustan cultural campaigns functioned rhetorically to help Augustus gain and maintain power and to influence civic identity and participation in the Roman Principate 27 b. Read on the Scribd mobile app Download the free Scribd mobile app to read anytime, anywhere.

Ara Pacis Augustae, 13—9 B. Readers will gain a thorough understanding of the relationship between artistic developments and political change in ancient Rome. Official and Nonofficial Modes of Representation. OctavianAugustus and the Image of Alexander the Great. Visual Rhetoric and the Creation of a Dynastic Narrative. Limitations of the Evidence and Problems in Interpretation.

Differences in Perception and Religious Beliefs. General Index. Index of Museums and Collections. Color Plates.