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A Million Feat. For the Love of Money II] Freestylin' As Anthony Barnett points out , two otherwise very similar towns, Wigan and Paisley, voted near-opposites in the EU referendum.
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Take my home town, Macclesfield — precisely the kind of small provincial town that gets caricatured again and again. A superficial summary of Macclesfield — a post-industrial town in the north west with low levels of immigration and a smattering of moneyed conservatism, thanks to the affluence of the surrounding footballer-inhabited villages — makes it sound parodically one-dimensional, a Royston Vasey for the Cheshire set.
And that so-called metropolitan elite? According to a study, 14 of the parliamentary constituencies with the highest rates of child poverty are in parts of London, Manchester, Glasgow and Birmingham. The recent furore around LGBT issues in the national curriculum began at a primary school in Birmingham.
These are not stereotypically white, working-class provincial areas, yet their social issues and attitudes are hardly characteristic of some city-dwelling ruling class. There are valid arguments to be made about the disproportionate influence of certain political ideas, but to attribute them to some inherently metropolitan, anti-local elite, is inaccurate and dangerous.
Whether or not Embery knew its historical links, that term harks back to the antisemitic propaganda of Stalinist Russia and Nazi Germany. By cleaving to lazy caricatures in our public discourse, we make it easier for genuine bigotry to permeate the conversation.
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But the fact that the contemporary British working class is far from uniformly white and post-industrial is difficult to crowbar into this narrative, and by reinforcing that outdated image of the working class, we obscure its significant non-white constituency.