Discover The Kingdom of Calsahara. Sometimes I often worry I might run out of stories or places to write about on this blog. Via Kateoplis.
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Voice Micah Zenko. Read Now. Argument Ethan B. Kapstein , Jacob N. The fundamental life goal is to promote the greatness of the self, for all to see. Accordingly, some experts insist that narcissistic motivations cover up an underlying insecurity. But others argue that there is nothing necessarily compensatory, or even immature, about certain forms of narcissism. Consistent with this view, I can find no evidence in the biographical record to suggest that Donald Trump experienced anything but a loving relationship with his mother and father.
Narcissistic people like Trump may seek glorification over and over, but not necessarily because they suffered from negative family dynamics as children. Rather, they simply cannot get enough. Ever since grade school, Trump has wanted to be No. Attending New York Military Academy for high school, he was relatively popular among his peers and with the faculty, but he did not have any close confidants. As both a coach and an admiring classmate recall in The Trumps , Donald stood out for being the most competitive young man in a very competitive environment.
His need to excel—to be the best athlete in school, for example, and to chart out the most ambitious future career—may have crowded out intense friendships by making it impossible for him to show the kind of weakness and vulnerability that true intimacy typically requires. Whereas you might think that narcissism would be part of the job description for anybody aspiring to become the chief executive of the United States, American presidents appear to have varied widely on this psychological construct. In a Psychological Science research article, behavioral scientists ranked U.
Franklin D. Roosevelt, John F. Kennedy, Nixon, and Clinton were next. Millard Fillmore ranked the lowest. Correlating these ranks with objective indices of presidential performance, the researchers found that narcissism in presidents is something of a double-edged sword. In business, government, sports, and many other arenas, people will put up with a great deal of self-serving and obnoxious behavior on the part of narcissists as long as the narcissists continually perform at high levels. Unlike Trump, he basically ignored his kids, to the point of refusing to acknowledge for some time that one of them was his.
Psychological research demonstrates that many narcissists come across as charming, witty, and charismatic upon initial acquaintance. They can attain high levels of popularity and esteem in the short term. As long as they prove to be successful and brilliant—like Steve Jobs—they may be able to weather criticism and retain their exalted status.
But more often than not, narcissists wear out their welcome. Over time, people become annoyed, if not infuriated, by their self-centeredness. When narcissists begin to disappoint those whom they once dazzled, their descent can be especially precipitous. There is still truth today in the ancient proverb: Pride goeth before the fall. The president of the United States is more than a chief executive. He or she is also a symbol, for the nation and for the world, of what it means to be an American.
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It is largely through the stories he tells or personifies, and through the stories told about him, that a president exerts moral force and fashions a nation-defining legacy. Like all of us, presidents create in their minds personal life stories—or what psychologists call narrative identities—to explain how they came to be who they are.
This process is often unconscious, involving the selective reinterpretation of the past and imagination of the future. A growing body of research in personality, developmental, and social psychology demonstrates that a life story provides adults with a sense of coherence, purpose, and continuity over time. In middle age, George W. Key events in the story were his decision to marry a steady librarian at age 31, his conversion to evangelical Christianity in his late 30s, and his giving up alcohol forever the day after his 40th birthday party. By atoning for his sins and breaking his addiction, Bush was able to recover the feeling of control and freedom that he had enjoyed as a young boy growing up in Midland, Texas.
Extending his narrative to the story of his country, Bush believed that American society could recapture the wholesome family values and small-town decency of yesteryear, by embracing a brand of compassionate conservatism. On the international front, he believed that oppressed people everywhere could enjoy the same kind of God-given rights—self-determination and freedom—if they could be emancipated from their oppressors.
His redemptive story helped him justify, for better and for worse, a foreign war aimed at overthrowing a tyrant.
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In Dreams From My Father , Barack Obama told his own redemptive life story, tracking a move from enslavement to liberation. Obama, of course, did not directly experience the horrors of slavery or the indignities of Jim Crow discrimination. Obama had already identified himself as a protagonist in this grand narrative by the time he married Michelle Robinson, at age What about Donald Trump?
What is the narrative he has constructed in his own mind about how he came to be the person he is today? And can we find inspiration there for a compelling American story? Our narrative identities typically begin with our earliest memories of childhood. Rather than faithful reenactments of the past as it actually was, these distant memories are more like mythic renderings of what we imagine the world to have been.
For Obama, there is a sense of wonder but also confusion about his place in the world. Donald Trump grew up in a wealthy s family with a mother who was devoted to the children and a father who was devoted to work. All five Trump children—Donald was the fourth—enjoyed a family environment in which their parents loved them and loved each other.
Instead, it is saturated with a sense of danger and a need for toughness: The world cannot be trusted. Fred Trump made a fortune building, owning, and managing apartment complexes in Queens and Brooklyn. On weekends, he would occasionally take one or two of his children along to inspect buildings. You have to be tough. He trained his sons to be tough competitors, because his own experience taught him that if you were not vigilant and fierce, you would never survive in business.
There were ex—drill sergeants all over the place. Military school reinforced the strong work ethic and sense of discipline Trump had learned from his father. And it taught him how to deal with aggressive men, like his intimidating baseball coach, Theodore Dobias:. Trump has never forgotten the lesson he learned from his father and from his teachers at the academy: The world is a dangerous place. You have to be ready to fight. The same lesson was reinforced in the greatest tragedy that Trump has heretofore known—the death of his older brother at age Freddy Trump was never able to thrive in the competitive environment that his father created.
Alcoholism contributed to his early death. The greatest risk for the warrior is that he incites gratuitous violence in others, and brings it upon himself. Trump loves boxing and football, and once owned a professional football team. In the opening segment of The Apprentice , he welcomes the television audience to a brutal Darwinian world:. The story here is not so much about making money. As president, Donald Trump promises, he would make America great again. They keep beating us.
We have to beat them. Economic victory is one thing; starting and winning real wars is quite another. In some ways, Trump appears to be less prone to military action than certain other candidates. He has strongly criticized George W. David Winter, a psychologist at the University of Michigan, analyzed U. And, as noted, his extroversion and narcissism suggest a willingness to take big risks—actions that history will remember. Tough talk can sometimes prevent armed conflict, as when a potential adversary steps down in fear. But Trump has kept this same kind of story going throughout his life.
Even now, as he approaches the age of 70, he is still the warrior. Going back to ancient times, victorious young combatants enjoyed the spoils of war—material bounty, beautiful women. Trump has always been a big winner there. His life story in full tracks his strategic maneuvering in the s, his spectacular victories the Grand Hyatt Hotel, Trump Tower in the s, his defeats in the early s, his comeback later in that same decade, and the expansion of his brand and celebrity ever since. Throughout it all, he has remained the ferocious combatant who fights to win.
But what broader purpose does winning the battle serve? What higher prize will victory secure? Here the story seems to go mute. You can listen all day to footage of Donald Trump on the campaign trail, you can read his books, you can watch his interviews—and you will rarely, if ever, witness his stepping back from the fray, coming home from the battlefront, to reflect upon the purpose of fighting to win—whether it is winning in his own life, or winning for America.
But his narrative seems thematically underdeveloped compared with those lived and projected by previous presidents, and by his competitors. Although his candidacy never caught fire, Marco Rubio told an inspiring story of upward mobility in the context of immigration and ethnic pluralism. Ted Cruz boasts his own Horatio Alger narrative, ideologically grounded in a profoundly conservative vision for America.
Bernie Sanders channels a narrative of progressive liberal politics that Democrats trace back to the s, reflected both in his biography and in his policy positions. To be sure, all of these candidates are fighters who want to win, and all want to make America great again. But their life stories tell Americans what they may be fighting for, and what winning might mean. And he must relish the prospect of another big win, as the potential GOP nominee.
But what principles for governing can be drawn from a narrative such as his? What guidance can such a story provide after the election, once the more nebulous challenge of actually being the president of the United States begins? Nearly two centuries ago, President Andrew Jackson displayed many of the same psychological characteristics we see in Donald Trump—the extroversion and social dominance, the volatile temper, the shades of narcissism, the populist authoritarian appeal.
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Jackson was, and remains, a controversial figure in American history. Nonetheless, it appears that Thomas Jefferson had it wrong when he characterized Jackson as completely unfit to be president, a dangerous man who choked on his own rage. His life story appealed to the common man because Jackson himself was a common man—one who rose from abject poverty and privation to the most exalted political position in the land. Amid the early rumblings of Southern secession, Jackson mobilized Americans to believe in and work hard for the Union.
The populism that his detractors feared would lead to mob rule instead connected common Americans to a higher calling—a sovereign unity of states committed to democracy. Who, really, is Donald Trump? I can discern little more than narcissistic motivations and a complementary personal narrative about winning at any cost.
It is as if Trump has invested so much of himself in developing and refining his socially dominant role that he has nothing left over to create a meaningful story for his life, or for the nation. It is always Donald Trump playing Donald Trump , fighting to win, but never knowing why. For the first time, Deniss Metsavas tells his story of espionage and blackmail. Five years ago, the flight vanished into the Indian Ocean. Officials on land know more about why than they dare to say.
At a. The designator for Malaysia Airlines is MH.
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The flight number was Fariq Hamid, the first officer, was flying the airplane. He was 27 years old. This was a training flight for him, the last one; he would soon be fully certified.