This website will: Essential: Remember your cookie permission setting Essential: Allow session cookies Essential: Gather information you input into a contact forms, newsletter and other forms across all pages Essential: Keep track of what you input in a shopping cart Essential: Authenticate that you are logged into your user account Essential: Remember language version you selected. She describes something new, a state which is prior to that which Melanie Klein has in mind with her concepts of projection and introjection. In order to project and introject there must be a rudimentary idea of an inner and outer space which can be filled or emptied and of a border between the two.
An interesting discovery I made during my work on this lecture was that far from exclusively devoting herself to the inner condition of the baby, Esther Bick was also — originally almost unintentionally — concerned with the condition of the mother. While we have known for some time that these trends are almost universal, I was not prepared for the intensity with which they impinged on the observer.
Their attitude was highly critical and emotional. At first I tried to mitigate the problem by encouraging them to give more attention to the baby and less to the mother. This did not help.
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I realized it was necessary to give more consideration to this factor — the depression in the mother and its impact on the observer as well as on the baby and other members of the family. The mother can be clearly seen to be experiencing emotional detachment from the baby, helplessness in understanding and meeting its needs, relying on the baby to make use of her breasts, hands, voice, as part objects.
Here we can imagine an abundance of clinical phenomena — ranging from ADS syndrome to the obsessive-compulsive disorders. Surviving space would then come to mean surviving the experience of being hurtled through space —with the help of a new survival space, which consists in the physical and mental presence of the mother. Mother then laid him in her lap again so that his feet were pointing at her stomach. When put down his hands and legs flew out, almost like an astronaut in a gravityless zone. She responded by talking gently to him again and bringing both his hands down to his stomach with her hands.
She then laid him on the changing pad saying that he did not usually like to be changed. It also contains all of her publications apart from the first paper on the young woman who I described earlier. You will also find reports by her students on the training years with her and on the various fields of application of her ideas, amongst others in the pedagogic field and in the understanding of groups.
It will be evident how closely her theoretical thought is linked with what she experienced during the infant observations and how she attempted to find concepts which could link the physical and the emotional. This of course Freud had already done. As a neurologist he was convinced of the entrenchment of the psyche in the body and also that this connection would be revealed as research progressed. This simultaneously nurturing and sealing relation can then be introjected and builds the body-mind core of all relation phantasies.
To conclude I would like once more to return to her life journey. There, in a change took place, when Bowlby decided not to renew her position as director of child therapy training. This was probably connected with her personality and her strong Kleinian orientation. Nusia Bick [as she was called by her friends] was never at any period of her life a compromiser and the course came under fire for its narrow Kleinian orientation. When in she was told by Dr Bowlby that he would no longer be asking her to undertake responsibility for another intake of students, she decided to leave the clinic and to concentrate upon her analytic work and on her teaching at the Institute of Psychoanalysis.
Nevertheless she continued to give extra-mural and private seminars to child psychotherapists for the next twenty years. During that time she also did a great deal of teaching abroad in Spain, in Italy, also in South America, Israel and Switzerland. Analysts and candidates came to her for supervision from these countries and also from France, the Commonwealth and the United States. She had high hopes of both, and to both she applied equally high standards which were impossible to realize, and so inevitably she was disappointed by the imperfections in them.
Those exacting standards she applied also to herself and her writing, which was seldom allowed to reach the printed page. Her papers on child analysis and on infant observation were seminal and remain so. But it is as a teacher rather than as a writer that she will be remembered by many of us who worked with her.
Her appreciation of material presented to her, her capacity to seize upon salient points and use then to bring alive the personality of the child or person described, had a poetic quality displayed only by those who love life intensely. She had a vision of how lives might be improved by psychoanalysis, a burning desire to communicate this in her teaching, and little tolerance of attitudes which stood in the way of this. Her uncompromising and sometimes narrow vision gained her enemies and critics, but its integrity and illuminating force won from many others, especially from young people who were eager to learn, a devotion and admiration which few people are able to inspire.
Lest this brief note about her life and complicated personality make her sound too austere, it should be said that she had a great sense of fun and gaiety, and a store of Jewish jokes. Gordon hat kein tertium comparationis. Darin besteht sein Dilemma. Angeblich gab es im Deutschland der er und er Jahre keine andere Alternative zu Heideggers Philosophie als eben diesen idealistischen Typus Cassirer.
Aber dies ist weder historisch-faktisch noch philosophisch-systematisch gesehen wahr. Es geht mir um dritte philosophische Positionen, die in der Disputation zwischen Cassirer und Heidegger selbst im Zentrum standen. Darin besteht das Interessante an dieser Disputation: Beide, sowohl Cassirer als auch Heidegger, wollen nicht als Philosophische Anthropologen gelten. Sie verschweigen beide ihre impliziten Anthropologien in Davos, das Dasein der Endlichkeit und die Unendlichkeit der symbolischen Formen, indem sie sie als Philosophien ausgeben.
Freudscher Versprecher - translation - German-Finnish Dictionary
Es ging um seine Nachfolge und sein Erbe. Alle beeilten sich, sie anzutreten. Heidegger widmete Scheler sein Kant-Buch Darin bestand nicht nur die zentrale Frage der Philosophischen Anthropologie, sondern auch der Lebensphilosophie Diltheys, deren Systematisierer Georg Misch war. Band der symbolischen Formen, finden sich die Spuren der Auseinandersetzung mit Plessner. Auflage als Monographie erschien. Hatte es beiden die Sprache verschlagen?
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Heidegger beginnt im Dasein, dem es in seinem Sein um das Sein selbst gehen soll, und Cassirer beginnt in den symbolischen Formen, die das menschliche Selbstbewusstsein historisch und systematisch als Kulturformen spezifizieren sollen. Sie fragen nach dem Zusammenhang von Sein und Bewusstsein im Leben, das sowohl naturphilosophisch als auch geschichtsphilosophisch thematisiert wird. Seine Philosophie setzte historisch und systematisch mit den symbolischen Formen ein, die zweifellos eine Pluralisierung des transzendentalen Selbstbewusstseins bedeuteten. Es fehlte ihnen aber ein Unterbau in der Geschichte der Natur und Gesellschaft.
Cassirers Historisierung der Funktion des Apriori, d. In der Natur gibt es Lebensformen, deren Reproduktion an kein Bewusstsein gebunden ist. In der 2.
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In Cassirers ehrlicher Selbstbescheidung auf eine Kulturphilosophie wirkte Plessners Naturphilosophie nach. Plessners horizontaler Vergleich enthielt eine Einladung an Cassirers Kulturphilosophie. Zudem anerkannte Cassirer das Problem einer Naturphilosophie, in der auch, aber auf andere Weise symbolisch vermittelt verfahren wurde, oder wie Kant gesagt hatte: indirekt zu verfahren sei.
Cassirer verstand durch Scheler die Aufgabe, die in dem Begriff des Lebens gestellt wird. Liest man Heideggers Vorlesungen aus dem Wintersemester , so wird ihm klar, dass seine publizierten Kritiken an der Philosophischen Anthropologie nicht stimmen. Sie konnten ihre Umwelt im Vordergrund nicht von einer Welt im Hintergrund her exzentrieren. Aber diese Schimpansen konnten nicht symbolisch neben diese zentrischen Korrelationen treten, um letztere selbst zum Gegenstand werden zu lassen. Es gab dann einen exzentrischen Weltrahmen, von dem her die Umwelten der Individuen und Gruppen transformiert werden konnten.
Sie resultierte aus einer Sedimentation und Habitualisierung von Welt in Umwelt. Dort kritisierte Plessner die dualistische Reduktion des Sozialen auf Gemeinschaft im Gegensatz zur Gesellschaft in rechten und linken Gemeinschaftsideologien. Sie hatten beide keine Philosophie der Natur und keine Philosophie der Gesellschaft. Translation - English Life-philosophical anthropology as the missing third. Gordon has no tertium comparationis. This is his dilemma.
To the extent that I am acquainted with the Heideggerian debates in the USA and France, they both appear to suffer from the same deficit. But this is not the case, either in a historical-factual or in a philosophical-systematic sense. There were third directions in German philosophy which could serve as the tertium comparationis. I am not speaking of the extended circle of the Frankfurter School Critical Theory, which Gordon only touches upon at the periphery. Of course Heidegger was not a racist, but rather a social anti-semite.
See his correspondence with Elfriede. I am referring to third philosophical positions which took central stage in the actual dispute between Cassirer and Heidegger. The whole argument between them, before Davos, in Davos, and after Davos raged around the status of philosophical anthropology, positioned as it was between philosophy and anthropology. Cassirer, as Gordon correctly notes, reproached Heidegger as in fact did Husserl in a similar vein with being merely an anthropologist of the Zeitgeist instead of a philosopher. Heidegger did everything to prevent his fundamental ontology appearing as philosophical anthropology.
And that is what is interesting about this dispute: Neither of the protagonists, Cassirer nor Heidegger, wanted to be seen as a philosophical anthropologist. They are both speaking of a missing third party, from whom they distance themselves. They both conceal their implicit anthropologies in Davos, the Dasein of finitude and the infinitude of symbolic forms, by presenting them as philosophies.
If one thinks oneself back to that time more clearly and asks who the missing third party in Davos and in the pre- and post-war history of this dispute could be, the authors Georg Misch and Helmuth Plessner readily spring to mind — Max Scheler having died in Scheler, alongside Nikolai Hartmann and Cassirer, was undoubtedly one of the most impressive leading figures in the clash of the German philosophies. Now it was a question of his succession and inheritance. Everyone rushed to make their claim. Heidegger dedicated his Kant book to Scheler.
In their publications Cassirer and Heidegger remain silent on this third, i. It was published as a monograph in the first edition in and the second in It is very peculiar that Cassirer and Heidegger refrained from giving any public response. Were they both rendered speechless?
Cassirer was seen as too idealistic and Heidegger as too pragmatic to justify the human situation in nature and historically. For Misch and Plessner, Cassirer and Heidegger perpetuated the old dualism of being and consciousness.
Heidegger begins in the Dasein, whose being is to be concerned with Being itself, and Cassirer begins in the symbolic forms, which are supposed to historically and systematically specify the human self-consciousness as cultural forms. Misch and Plessner contrapose these modifications with life forms in which finite and infinite dimensions are interlocked.
They inquire into the relation between being and consciousness in life, examining the matter in the context of both natural philosophy and the philosophy of history. His philosophy began historically and systematically with the symbolic forms, which undoubtedly implicated a pluralisation of the transcendental consciousness.
Thus the one super-historical and transcendental consciousness Kant was now replaced by a diversity of symbolic forms — from myth, language and art, through religion to science, history and technology. The historical and systematic ordering of these symbolic forms was then open to discussion.
But they were missing a substructure in the history of nature and society. They enabled a collective mind, but they themselves were enabled phenomena a posteriori and not only enabling a priori. In nature there are forms of life whose reproduction is not bound to any consciousness. Plessner speaks of precentric and decentral forms of organization to describe the structure which makes these possible.
In nature there are forms of life whose reproduction is essentially dependent on consciousness. Plessner calls the structure deriving from the organism which makes these possible a centric form and that deriving from the environment also a centric form, both of which must respond and adapt to each another. It is only the excentric form of positioning which requires for its reproduction symbols as symbols. It criticizes as anthropology the dualism found in modern philosophy since Descartes, as this dualism cannot live up to the task posed in the modern conduct of life.
In this sense we are concerned with the anthropological question of how in the midst of modern dualism integration within personal life is in fact possible. Anthropology first becomes philosophical anthropology, thus philosophy, when it criticizes the over-hasty generalization of some intermediary findings of anthropology to mean the end of nature and the end of history. Thus, in task 2, philosophy criticises anthropology insofar as the latter had arrived at a conclusive definition of the essence of mankind, which claimed once and for all to have determined and assessed this species.
This offering was too little for Cassirer, but he conceived a succession of symbolic forms which extended from myth through language and the performing arts to the religion of the personality. Scheler, Plessner and Cassirer were in agreement against Heidegger and Ludwig Klage that the standard for modern life-forms must not fall below the level of the personality which had been developed in the monotheistic religions.
Cassirer, through Scheler, understood the task set by the concept of life. Scheler had expounded the spiritual affirmation of life in the ecstatic form of love, passion and the social senses of compassion and shame. Plessner remarks that Heidegger in Being and Time only recognizes life privatively i. The life process, for Plessner, interlocked finite dimensions in the material of the elements with infinite elements in the structures of its Possibility. Neither for Scheler nor for Plessner is philosophical anthropology a regional ontology and least of all is it a philosophy of the subject which is closest to itself.
Other primates can also be intelligent in a practical way, both individually and in groups. What their memory and self-consciousness were still missing were symbolic contrasts referring to a world going beyond their world like a frame. Their behaviour in this sense remains centric, as they produced physical and psychical correlations to the things in their environments according to experience and memory.
But these chimpanzees could not symbolically position themselves next to these centric correlations in order to transform the latter into an object. For this, the external symbolization of culture in the institutionalization of society was required. This socio-cultural Mitwelt allowed the differentiation between inner and outer world to be newly assessed. There was then an excentric world frame through which the environments of the individuals and groups could be transformed. The excentred world frame could be neutralised in relation to the individual physis and psyche, i.
From this deep boredom, philosophy, art and science became possible as new world revelations distanced from the environments of the human Dasein in every day life. For Plessner, the everyday life of the Dasein was not a world, but rather an artificially produced environment. It resulted from a sedimentation and habitualisation of the world into the environment. Logically viewed, everyday life presupposed an extra-ordinary life in an excentric disclosure of the world.
Insofar as the latter had led to the setting up of an artificial environment through technology, society and culture, all symbolic communications could be directly lived in this superficial environment, i. The inner world could only be differentiated from the outer world, without being circular, if this difference were determined from the standpoint of an interpersonal Mitwelt. Heidegger had still not understood that he lacked a fundamental philosophy of nature and society. However, after the Metaphysics of winter he did allow for excentric world-disclosures in philosophy, art and science.
In relation to philosophical anthropology, Cassirer and Heidegger shared two deficits. Neither of them had a philosophy of nature or a philosophy of society. They shared furthermore a third important deficit and this is where Georg Misch and his influence on Plessner comes in. If the theory of knowledge was no longer to be grounded outside of life, but rather, from anew, from within it, then this had a negative consequence to begin with: Misch advocated the theory of the unfathomability of life and of humans concerning the conduct of their lives as a whole. Human beings cannot take on the role of god in epistemology, a role independent of any individual life.
Thus, the ideal of a godlike knowledge of and beyond all life collapsed, unattainable for human beings. And thus history will continue into the future. The principal of unfathomability replaces a material a priori Scheler or a formal a priori Heidegger in which there is still too much centrism.
It has now risen more formidable than ever, and with the further aggravation, that it was unexpected. Irish disaffection, assuredly, is a familiar fact; and there have always been those among us who liked to explain it by a special taint or infirmity in the Irish character. But Liberal Englishmen had always attributed it to the multitude of unredressed wrongs. England had for ages, from motives of different degrees of unworthiness, made her yoke heavy upon Ireland. According to a well known computation, the whole land of the island had been confiscated three times over. Part had been taken to enrich powerful Englishmen and their Irish adherents; part to form the endowment of a hostile hierarchy; the rest had been given away to English and Scotch colonists, who held, and were intended to hold it as a garrison against the Irish.
The manufactures of Ireland, except the linen manufacture, which was chiefly carried on by these colonists, were deliberately crushed for the avowed purpose of making more room for those of England. The vast majority of the native Irish, all who professed the Roman Catholic religion, were, in violation of the faith pledged to the Catholic army at Limerick, despoiled of all their political and most of their civil rights, and were left in existence only to plough or dig the ground, and pay rent to their task-masters.
A nation which treats its subjects in this fashion cannot well expect to be loved by them. It is not necessary to discuss the circumstances of extenuation which an advocate might more or less justly urge to excuse these iniquities to the English conscience. Whatever might be their value in our own eyes, in those of the Irish they had not, and could not have, any extenuating virtue. Short of actual depopulation and desolation, or the direct personal enslaving of the inhabitants, little was omitted which could give a people cause to execrate its conquerors. But these just causes of disloyalty, it was at last thought, had been removed.
The jealousy of Irish industry and enterprise has long ceased, and all inequality of commercial advantages between the two countries has been done away with. The civil rights of the Catholic population have been restored to them, and with one or two trifling exceptions their political disabilities have been taken off. The prizes of professional and of political life, in Ireland, England, and every British dependency, have been thrown open, in law and in fact, to Catholic as well as Protestant Irish.
The alien Church indeed remains, but is no longer supported by a levy from the Catholic tillers of the soil; it has become a charge on the rent paid by them, mostly to Protestant landlords. The confiscations have not been reversed; but the hand of time has passed over them: they have reached the stage at which, in the opinion of reasonable men, the reversal of an injustice is but an injustice the more.
The representatives of the Irish Catholics are a power in the House of Commons, sufficient at times to hold the balance of parties. Irish complaints, great and small, are listened to with patience, if not always with respect; and when they admit of a remedy which seems reasonable to English minds, there is no longer any reluctance to apply it. What, then, it is thought even by Liberal Englishmen, has Ireland to resent? What, indeed, remains from which resentment could arise? By dint of believing that disaffection had ceased to be reasonable, they came to think that it had ceased to be possible.
All grievances, of a kind to exasperate the ruled against the rulers, had, they thought, disappeared. Nature, too, not in her kinder, but in one of her cruellest moods, had made it her study to relieve the conscience of the English rulers of Ireland. But the Angel of Death had stepped in, and removed that spectre from before our gate.
An appalling famine, followed by an unexampled and continuous emigration, had, by thinning the labour market, alleviated that extreme indigence which, by making the people desperate, might embitter them, we thought, even against a mild and just Government. Ireland was now not only well governed, but prosperous and improving.
Surely the troubles of the British nation about Ireland were now at an end. The disaffection which they flattered themselves had been cured, suddenly shows itself more intense, more violent, more unscrupulous, and more universal than ever. The population is divided between those who wish success to Fenianism, and those who, though disapproving its means and perhaps its ends, sympathize in its embittered feelings. Repressed by force in Ireland itself, the rebellion visits us in our own homes, scattering death among those who have given no provocation but that of being English-born.
So deadly is the hatred, that it will run all risks merely to do us harm, with little or no prospect of any consequent good to itself. Our rulers are helpless to deal with this new outburst of enmity, because they are unable to see that anything on their part has given cause for it. They are brought face to face with a spirit which will as little tolerate what we think our good government as our bad, and they have not been trained to manage problems of that difficulty. But though their statesmanship is at fault, their conscience is at ease, because the rebellion, they think, is not one of grievance or suffering; it is a rebellion for an idea—the idea of nationality.
Alas for the self-complacent ignorance of irresponsible rulers, be they monarchs, classes, or nations! If there is anything sadder than the calamity itself, it is the unmistakeable sincerity and good faith with which numbers of Englishmen confess themselves incapable of comprehending it. They know not that the disaffection which neither has nor needs any other motive than aversion to the rulers, is the climax to a long growth of disaffection arising from causes that might have been removed. What seems to them the causelessness of the Irish repugnance to our rule, is the proof that they have almost let pass the last opportunity they are ever likely to have of setting it right.
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They have allowed what once was indignation against particular wrongs, to harden into a passionate determination to be no longer ruled on any terms by those to whom they ascribe all their evils. Rebellions are never really unconquerable until they have become rebellions for an idea. Revolt against practical ill-usage may be quelled by concessions; but wait till all practical grievances have merged in the demand for independence, and there is no knowing that any concession, short of independence, will appease the quarrel.
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But what, it will be asked, is the provocation that England is giving to Ireland, now that she has left off crushing her commerce and persecuting her religion? What harm to Ireland does England intend, or knowingly inflict? What good, that she knows how to give her, would she not willingly bestow? Unhappily, her offence is precisely that she does not know; and is so well contented with not knowing, that Irishmen who are not hostile to her are coming to believe that she will not and cannot learn.
The English people ought to ask themselves, seriously and without prejudice, what it is that gives sober men this opinion of them; and endeavour to remove it, or humbly confess that it is true, and fulfil the only duty which remains performable by them on that supposition, that of withdrawing from the attempt. More than a generation has elapsed since we renounced the desire to govern Ireland for the English: if at that epoch we had begun to know how to govern her for herself, the two nations would by this time have been one.
But we neither knew, nor knew that we did not know. We had got a set of institutions of our own, which we thought suited us—whose imperfections we were, at any rate, used to: we, or our ruling classes, thought, that there could be no boon to any country equal to that of impartingathesea institutions to her, and as none of their benefits were any longer withheld from Ireland.
Ireland, it seemed, could have nothing more to desire. What was not too bad for us, must be good enough for Ireland, or if not. Ireland or the nature of things was alone in fault. It is always a most difficult task which a people assumes when it attempts to govern, either in the way of incorporation or as a dependency, another people very unlike itself. But whoever reflects on the constitution of society in these two countries, with any sufficient knowledge of the states of society which exist elsewhere, will be driven, however unwillingly, to the conclusion, that there is probably no other nation of the civilized world, which, if the task of governing Ireland had happened to devolve on it, would not have shown itself more capable of that work than England has hitherto done.
The reasons are these: First, there is no other civilized nation which is so conceited of its own institutions, and of all its modes of public action, as England is; and secondly, there is no other civilized nation which is so far apart from Ireland in the character of its history, or so unlike it in the whole constitution of its social economy; and none, therefore, which if it applies to Ireland the modes of thinking and maxims of government which have grown up within itself, is so certain to go wrong.
The first indeed of our disqualifications, our conceit of ourselves, is certainly diminishing. Our governing classes are now quite accustomed to be told that the institutions which they thought must suit all mankind since they suited us, require far greater alteration than they dream of to be fit even for ourselves. When they were told this, they have long been in the habit of answering, that whatever defects these institutions may have in theory, they are suited to the opinions, the feelings, and the historical antecedents of the English people.
But mark how little they really mean by this vindication. If suitability to the opinions, feelings, and historical antecedents of those who live under them is the best recommendation of institutions, it ought to have been remembered, that the opinions, feelings, and historical antecedents of the Irish people are totally different from, and in many respects contrary to those of the English; and that things which in England find their chief justification in their being liked, cannot admit of the same justification in a country where they are detested.
But the reason which recommends institutions to their own supporters, and that which is used to stop the mouths of opponents, are far from being always one and the same. Let us take as an example, that one of our institutions which has the most direct connexion with the worst practical grievances of Ireland; absolute property in land, the land being engrossed by a comparatively small number of families. I am not going to discuss this institution, or to express, on the present occasion, any opinion about its abstract merits.
Let these, if we will, be transcendant—let it be the best and highest form of agricultural and social economy, for anything I mean to say to the contrary. But I do say that this is not self-evident. It is not one of the truths which shine so brilliantly by their own light, that they are assented to by every sane man the moment he understands the words in which they are conveyed. On the contrary, what present themselves the most obviously at the first aspect of this institution are the objections to it. That a man should have absolute control over what his own labour and skill have created, and even over what he has received by gift or bequest from those who created it, is recommended by reasons of a very obvious character, and does not shock any natural feeling.
Moveable property can be produced in indefinite quantity, and he who disposes as he likes of anything which, it can fairly be argued, would not have existed but for him, does no wrong to any one. Such appropriation, when there is not enough left for all, is at the first aspect, an usurpation on the rights of other people.
And though it is manifestly just that he who sows should be allowed to reap, this justice, which is the true moral foundation of property in land, avails little in favour of proprietors who reap but do not sow, and who assume the right of ejecting those who do. Superior shot , possession 62 percent and pass completion 90 percent stats were not enough to earn BVB a win or a draw against Tottenham. Here are the match facts. Borussia Dortmund trudged off empty-handed at the final whistle despite a very, very strong first-half display.
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