The Expositions retrospectives, the first type, were actually held from the 's on as an adjunct to Expositions Universelles or Expositions Internationales, cultural events for the edification of the fair-going public.
Displaying almost exclusively decorative art objects rather than paintings and sculpture, they were devised more as a backward glance to earlier forms of manufacture in contrast with contemporary 'products' in the nearby Palaces of Industry; the intent, quite simply put, was to illustrate the progress achieved by the country, as well as to demonstrate the artistic sensibilities of the nation. Current artistic production, usually high art paintings and sculpture, was displayed in separate Fine Arts Pavilions.
The Exposition Universelle offers an excellent example. Housed in the right wing of the Trocadero, this Retrospective was situated opposite the 'primitive' 6 1 See appendix 2 for a list of exhibitions from to and their content and focus, compiled from a review of the Burlington Magazine, La Revue de I'art ancien et moderne, Gazette des beaux-arts, Revue de I'Art Chretien, and other contemporary journals.
Thus the motive for showcasing French artistic production in these exhibitions was an established tradition. Toward the end of the century, however, 'stand-alone' historic art exhibitions began to develop; affiliated with neither industrial nor national exhibitions, they instead displayed chronological surveys of artworks under a generalized title such as 'Maitres Anciens' or 'Arts Anciens', or were limited to a single 'Old Master' or a particular type of art production. Painting and sculpture were included only infrequently; for example, Budapest's retrospective exhibition of gold and silver plate was focused narrowly on secular and religious objects from the twelfth to eighteenth centuries, while a Van Dyck exhibition, held first in Antwerp and then in London , focused only on one artist and his production.
University of British Columbia, , for a detailed investigation of the construction of the 'other' in this and other Expositions Universelles. Coup d'oeil general," Gazette des Beaux-arts Series 2, 18 July Here the claims were not so much for the nationality of the artist s per se, but for the ownership of the works themselves, the collection and the possession of the objects being displayed as evidence of curatorial perspicacity.
The assertions of a national stylistic predominated in this third type, with claims for national artistic origins and characteristics often allied with a recouping of a formerly disparaged or overlooked artist, group of artists, or movement. The Basel exhibition of Swiss and German Masters was one of the first to introduce the element of a national mastery into the historical exhibition. The Madrid Velasquez exhibit of the same year, focused only on a single artist, but also promoted a particular national style and body of work, this time allied to the works of Diego Velasquez.
Both Sienna and Dusseldorf held exhibitions of 'maitres anciens' in in competition with the Exposition des Primitifs frangais show. The Exposition des Primitifs flamands held in Bruges was the immediate precursor to the Exposition des Primitifs frangais and thus merits special analysis because of the latter's explicit self-positioning as a response to the former's claims and posture.
The Bruges show took the historical exhibition to new levels of nationalism and art historical assertions. Tied closely to a contemporary Flemish Renaissance which was promoting a Flemish-speaking Belgian culture distinct from both Dutch and French cultural implications, the Bruges exhibition focused entirely on the 'national' school of 64lt is important to note that several of this kind of exhibition were held at private institutions, such as the New Gallery and the Burlington Fine Arts Club, and the Galerie d'Altenburg.
The relation of the exhibitions to the art market is thus a prominent factor in their occurrence. It argued for a coherent, chronological unity of fifteenth century Flemish art production and reaffirmed Flemish-speaking Belgium's role as one of the two 'founders' of later eighteenth century art developments, the other being the Italian Renaissance. The Bruges exhibition had arisen from the growth of Belgian nationalism.
The anti-academic Symbolist group, called Les XX, had examined their Flemish nationalist roots and evolved their own contemporary style in opposition to Neo-lmpressionist and Symbolist connections with France66; subsequently the conception and eventual staging of the Bruges exhibition helped to crystallize an historical Flemish presence distinct from the French and Netherlandish. These nationalist impulses had, according to Francis Haskell, resulted in the Exposition des Primitifs flamands. The exhibition, he notes, was "inspired by a series of nationally motivated exhibitions that had been held in many parts of Europe over the last few years, above all those devoted to Rembrandt and Rubens in 6 5The main description of the Exposition des Primitifs flamands has been obtained from "Johannes Huizinga and the Flemish Renaissance," a chapter in Francis Haskell's History and its Images.
In addition, contemporary journals and periodical accounts of the exhibition haver contributed greatly to my understanding of the exhibition as it was presented and received, particularly: Egbert, Social Radicalism and the Arts: Western Europe New York: Of particular importance in understanding the vehement claims of the Exposition des Primitifs frangais is the editorializing commentary by the catalogue's writer, Georges Hulin de Loo, cited in the Introduction to this thesis.
Hulin de Loo, a young Belgian scholar, was just beginning to make a name for himself and sought to differentiate his research from that outlined in the more neutral catalogue of W. James Weale by inciting controversy. Hulin de Loo's commentary extensively critiqued French acquisition policies and, in one instance, disparaged the French Republican government's neglect of cultural issues for the more prosaic concerns of re-election: Could it be true that the French government, ordinarily so prodigious with frivolous expenditures, at a time when it can wait for a repercussion from the polls, appears to be stingy concerning its national collections, even concerning the Louvre?
This incomparable and marvellous treasure, with which the abolished monarchs enriched France, does it have nothing to look forward to from democracy? Without doubt, French parliamentary politicians and the transitory governments that are burdened with service to their passions and interests, are exclusively absorbed in the questions that divide the nation.
Hulin de Loo, Bruges Serait-il vrai que le gouvernement frangais, d'ordinaire si prodigue de depenses vaines, du moment qu'il peut en attendre une repercussion surs les votes, se montre parcimonieux envers ses collections nationales, meme envers le Louvre? Cet incomparable et merveilleux tresor, dont les monarchies abolies ont enrichi la France, n'a-t-il rein a attendre de la democratie? Sans doute, les politiciens parlementaires frangais et les gouvernements ephemeres qu'ils chargent du service de leurs passions et de leurs interets, sont 37 Hulin de Loo's attacks on France and its cultural policies were specifically cited in the Exposition des Primitifs frangais catalogue as a prime motivation for the scheduling of the French exhibition and the vehemence of the counterclaims made by Georges Lafenestre and Henri Bouchot.
As Lafenestre proclaimed, rather facetiously, near the end of his Introduction to the Catalogue Definitif, it was now time for French curators to build on the work of the Bruges exhibition in the cause of scientific truth, to continue the arduous task of bringing the greatness of French Renaissance art to the public's attention. The Exposition des Primitifs frangais therefore cannot be seen as an isolated instance, but an event that negotiated the ideas and concepts of previous exhibitions. Above all, the Exposition des Primitifs frangais voiced an institutional response to the Bruges exhibition, the Expositions des Primitifs flamands, in an art historical and nationalistic dialogue.
Hulin de Loo was referring here to the national elections held earlier in when the Bloc Republicain, a coalition of moderate elements among the varieties of Republicans, was elected in a majority under the presidency of Ernest Combes Watson, 73; Anderson, Their preoccupation with political issues had, according to Hulin de Loo, distracted them from culturally important matters. This is but one part of a four-page essay attached to a discussion of Jehan de Perreal of Paris, a French painter whom Hulin de Loo claims to be the Maitre de Moulins, one of several controversial attribution claims he made in his catalogue.
It translates the brute facts of the exhibited art objects into commentary that resembles a continuous narrative simply because it is a book that has a sequence of pages just as the exhibition will usually have a numbered sequence of rooms and objects, its own on-the-spot catalogue. The 'event' cannot stand alone, however; only when the ephemerality of viewing is considered together with the Catalogue Definitif and other discourses surrounding and, to a large degree, creating it can the full scope of the exhibition claims be understood. The texts of the catalogues, reviews and articles are what remain to the current reader; the event, ephemeral and temporally located, cannot be 're-experienced'71 and the 'words' remain as bare bones, a kind of archaeological evidence to be reassembled to attempt to 70Richard Sniff, "Art History and the Nineteenth Century: In some cases, the use of generic titles for example, 'Pieta' has made it difficult to locate which item is being discussed.
Sales and donations of various works to local, national or international museums or collectors has also inhibited the tracing of exhibited works. In order to formulate a precise understanding of the exhibition, I have pieced together its contents from references made in the many reviews and articles discussing the event, although the number of works recognizable through this process is far short of the works listed in the Catalogue Definitif.
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A catalogue represents an exhibition in several senses. First, it re-presents the experience of the exhibition for contemplation at another time and in another place, with emphases, viewpoints and elisions not necessarily part of that experience. Second, the catalogue stands in for, or represents, a lived experience because it substitutes for the actual viewing of the works in the exhibition halls.
Third, it acts as an embodiment of the exhibition, a textual synthesis and summary of all of the claims made visually. And, last, it leads the viewer to see objects in certain ways, constructing a form of viewing supportive of the exhibition's overall theme and stance. The Catalogue Definitif of the Exposition des Primitifs frangais as a primary textual source defining the goals of the exhibition comprises a unified argument with separate component parts providing particular kinds of information, tone and rhetorical elements to the whole.
Information available from periodicals and other sources indicates it was small, sketchily written pamphlet probably only listing the title, artist, date and location for each of the works shown; much cheaper to purchase, it was likely used as a reference sheet for the exhibition visitor. Inspection of this format might have provided additional information for this analysis, but it seems probable that the listings followed the same format as those in the other two catalogues.
I was unable to obtain access to an original. The Catalogue Definitif was less ostentatiously printed and available at the exhibition itself for "deux francs net" The numbered, limited edition of the Catalogue printed on high quality vellum, its text reset in a more formal typeface, was available commercially outside the museum and exhibition; because of its more costly materials, it was more expensive than the Catalogue Definitif and intended for a wealthier audience, whether or not they had attended the Exposition des Primitifs frangais.
In addition, the introductory essay in the Catalogue Definitif was abridged in the special edition catalogue Two major omissions from the special edition are noteworthy. Was it not time to renew, with more chance of success in the eyes of a better educated and more sympathetic international public, the task of rehabilitation already boldly attempted in by the Marquis de Chennevieres, Director of Fine Arts, at the exhibition of National Portraits, taken up again, from a more general point of view, by M.
This price placed it outside the reach of many visitors who, even if they could afford the entry fee, might have thought twice about purchasing a catalogue too. Unfortunately, the cover was too poorly reproduced on the microfiche at the U. Fine Arts Library to be included as an illustration in this thesis. The Catalogue Definitif was, in fact, a direct rebuttal of the slanderous assertions made by Hulin de Loo; Lafenestre had clearly declared that the French art of this period had already been presented to the world by previous curators, but had been ignored; now the "international public" was ready to recognize the validity of his and his predecessors' claims in this splendid exhibition.
N'etait-il pas temps de renouveler, avec plus de chances de reussite, aux yeux d'un public international, mieux instruit et plus sympathique, I'entreprise de rehabilitation deja hardiment tentee, en , par le Marquis de Chennevieres, Directeur des Beaux-Arts, a I'Exposition des Portraits Nationaux, reprise, sous un point de vue plus general, par M.
Molinier, en , au Petit Palais, et si vaillamment prepare, dans rintervalle, par la parole eclatante de Courajod a I'Ecole du Louvre. The 'Exhibition of National Portraits' refers to a show at the Exposition Universelle of and '' to the Exposition Retrospective at the Exposition Universelle of Louis Courajod was noted for his crowd-pleasing lectures on early French art and is cited in the Catalogue Definitif as a pioneer of the daring approach fulfilled by the Exposition des Primitifs frangais. He believed that it was "in France, and above all, in Flanders that the origins of the Renaissance were to be sought - although he rather distrusted the word because of its implication of 'rebirth' rather than of a new development" Haskell, History and its Images, In fact, this catalogue omits the entire Bibliotheque Nationale section of the exhibition all together, effacing the role of the manuscripts as a counterpoint to and supportive display for stylistic linkages to the paintings at the Pavilion de Marsan.
Equally as important for the purposes of this thesis was the claim that truth, and not 'patriotic vanity', was the sole motivation for the exhibition. Lafenestre's protestations of impartiality were thus assimilated into the 'fact' of the exhibition's occurrence; the physical presence of the catalogue was a permanent textual record of a truly scholarly endeavour, the contents of which merely presented the reader with self-evident and obvious facts: As was already done in and , it was, in fact, necessary to supply, by means of several specimens of other contemporary art forms sculpture, tapestries, miniatures, enamels, etc.
As for the miniatures, the abundance of them was such that it was impossible, as it was at Bruges, to show them in the same location. Fortuitously, the Bibliotheque Nationale is not far from the Pavilion de Marsan and it does not take long to go there to admire the collection of miniatures that the special commission, under the direction of M.
Omont with the enthusiastic assistance of the respected and tireless M. Leopold Delisle, has been able to reunite there. We desire, and this goes without saying, that this international gathering of experts validates the honour of the French masters; we have no intention to impose in advance even the most obvious conclusions on the enlightened souls and impartial judges.
Above all, we are intent on refraining from the foolish exaggerations of patriotic vanity which are the most deplorable cause of errors and disagreements at a time when they are creeping into questions of art, history and science. Following the example of the old artists that we admire and love, we seek the truth, we desire only the truth. In addition, the Catalogue Definitif would have circulated more widely.
Available as it was at the exhibition itself, it would have reinforced the show's immediate impact on the viewer if the catalogue entries were used to explain what the viewer was seeing while seeing it. The Catalogue Definitif could also be experienced following the exhibition when the essay and entries could be read at leisure and the experience remembered and reinforced by this activity.
A third factor, the Catalogue Definitif's lower cost in comparison to the special edition, would also have permitted a somewhat wider circulation. It was therefore a primary textual device through which the meaning of the exhibition was constructed for a Republican bourgeoisie. Comme on I'avait deja faire en et , il etait, en effet, necessaire de fournir, par quelques specimens des autres formes de I'art contemporain, Sculpture, Tapisserie, Miniature, Emaux, etc.
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Pour les miniatures, I'abondance etait telle qu'il n'etait pas possible, no plus qu'a Bruges, de les exposer dans le meme local. Heureusement, la Bibliotheque Nationale n'est pas eloignee du Pavilion de Marsan, et le voyage ne sera pas trop long pour y admirer la collection d'enluminures que la commission speciale, sous la presidence de M.
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- The Covenant, Lincoln, and the War?
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Omont avec le concours, toujours ardent du venerable et infatigable, M. Leopold Delisle, a pu y reunir. Indeed, the pious ought to feel his suffering in their own bodies. She traces the emergence of Lutheran restraint and emphasis on the accomplished atonement of Christ for human sin. She looks at the awareness of preachers from all three groups of the emotional difference that set them apart from the others.
He holds the degrees of Doctor in de Sociale Wetenschappen Amsterdam. Etudes en Sciences Sociales , She received her Ph. She is author of many articles and has written several books on Cluny, including To Be the. She received her B. She is currently at work on a study of emotion and political change during the outbreak of the.
The Politics of Passion and. He was also a. Weber and Islam established his reputation in the sociology of Islam in Modern Society; citizenship, secularisation and the state Cambridge University Press will appear in. Boquet Nagy intro PolEmo Final. Between Science and Citizenship. At the turning point of the 12th and 13th centuries, chroniclers and historians focus on the royal figure. On the French as much as on the English side, the king dons the attributes of a power his emotions then depend upon.
How do they dissert on the royal figure and especially on the emotional range that is related to him? To sound the question, we tackle the emotion of shame by interrogating the writings of the Philippe Auguste era. Wrath plays an essential role in the princely rhetoric of the Burgundian realm at the end of the Middle Ages. As it benefits from a great publicity but is submitted to a strict surveillance, it models an archetype portrait of the governor and testifies its capacity to carry out justice. The prince is advised to give in to it only as a last resort and with legitimate motives so as to manifest it with pragmatism and moderation, an advised entourage providing the respect of these injunctions.
This study aims, on the one hand, to underline the ways princes control the representations of their emotions. To constitute the emotional conjugal behaviour as a model for society the princely affective manifestations are in turn moderate or used in all their evocative power.
But in certain circumstances this affective exhibition can shift in distance or deceit. This double practice aims to strictly separate the political and emotional spheres when emotions are seen as obstacles or threats to the introduction of model princely politics. Current western historiography is greatly interested in the manipulation of sources and in the ideological and political use of ceremonies in the Middle Ages.
In this setting, this article aims at studying how medieval sources inform us about the emotions produced by the death of Visigothic-Spanish, Asturian-Leonese, and Castilian kings. Contrary to the Frankish case, we cannot find in the Visigothic era a single poetic composition or chronicle dedicated to ceremonies conducted after the death of kings or to plancti performed during these occasions.
The most important representative of this genre was Bishop Pelayo de Oviedo d. He dedicated a long planctus to King Alfonso VI using some motifs stemming from the Hispanic tradition as well as some European ones, in a context of internationalization of the western Hispanic kingdoms. In the 13th century plancti for kings ended up being incorporated to royal chronistic rhetoric by being used for monarchic propaganda.
The nature of recurrent violence experienced by Jews in the Aragonese territory during the Easter festivities is studied here. The emotion born in the population by the reminding of the Passion of Christ through the liturgical celebrations brings it to commit many acts of violence, if not systematic, at least repeated. In , he left Normandy and moved to Paris where he spent ten years as a clerk in the Navy Department. During this time his only recreation and relaxation was boating on the Seine on Sundays and holidays. Gustave Flaubert took him under his protection and acted as a kind of literary guardian to him, guiding his debut in journalism and literature.
He devoted his spare time to writing novels and short stories. In he published what is considered his first masterpiece, " Boule de Suif ", which met with instant and tremendous success. Flaubert characterized it as "a masterpiece that will endure. The decade from to was the most fertile period of Maupassant's life. Made famous by his first short story, he worked methodically and produced two or sometimes four volumes annually. His talent and practical business sense made him wealthy. In he published his first volume of short stories under the title of La Maison Tellier ; it reached its twelfth edition within two years.
In he finished his first novel, Une Vie translated into English as A Woman's Life , 25, copies of which were sold in less than a year. His second novel Bel Ami , which came out in , had thirty-seven printings in four months. His editor, Havard, commissioned him to write more stories, and Maupassant continued to produce them efficiently and frequently. At this time he wrote what many consider to be his greatest novel, Pierre et Jean. With a natural aversion to society, he loved retirement, solitude, and meditation.
He traveled extensively in Algeria , Italy, England, Brittany , Sicily , Auvergne , and from each voyage brought back a new volume. He cruised on his private yacht Bel-Ami , named after his novel. This life did not prevent him from making friends among the literary celebrities of his day: Alexandre Dumas, fils had a paternal affection for him; at Aix-les-Bains he met Hippolyte Taine and became devoted to the philosopher-historian. Flaubert continued to act as his literary godfather.
His friendship with the Goncourts was of short duration; his frank and practical nature reacted against the ambiance of gossip, scandal, duplicity, and invidious criticism that the two brothers had created around them in the guise of an 18th-century style salon. Maupassant was one of a fair number of 19th-century Parisians including Charles Gounod , Alexandre Dumas, fils , and Charles Garnier who did not care for the Eiffel Tower.
Maupassant also wrote under several pseudonyms such as Joseph Prunier, Guy de Valmont, and Maufrigneuse which he used from to In his later years he developed a constant desire for solitude, an obsession for self-preservation, and a fear of death and paranoia of persecution caused by the syphilis he had contracted in his youth. Guy De Maupassant penned his own epitaph: Maupassant is considered a father of the modern short story. Camus's belief was that political and religious authorities try to confuse us with over-complicated moral systems to make things appear more complex than they really are, potentially to serve their own needs.
A professional footballer appears as a character in The Plague and football is discussed in the dialogue. Camus died on 4 January at the age of 46, in a car accident near Sens , in Le Grand Fossard in the small town of Villeblevin. In his coat pocket was an unused train ticket. He had planned to travel by train with his wife and children, but at the last minute he accepted his publisher's proposal to travel with him. He was the second-youngest recipient, at the age of 44, of the Nobel Prize in Literature, after Rudyard Kipling , at the age of He was survived by his wife and twin son and daughter, Jean and Catherine, who hold the copyrights to his work.
There is scholarly debate as to the relationship between the two books. The second was an unfinished novel, The First Man , which Camus was writing before he died. The novel was an autobiographical work about his childhood in Algeria. This concerned a revolt by Spanish miners brutally suppressed by the Spanish government. During the war Camus joined the French Resistance cell Combat , which published an underground newspaper of the same name.
Camus became the paper's editor in When the Allies liberated Paris in August , Camus witnessed and reported the last of the fighting. Soon after the event on 6 August , he was one of the few French editors to publicly express opposition and disgust to the United States' dropping the atomic bombs on Japan. He resigned from Combat in when it became a commercial paper.
He also toured the United States to lecture about French thought.
à : to, toward, towards
Although he leaned left , politically, his strong criticisms of Communist doctrine did not win him any friends in the Communist parties and eventually alienated Sartre. In , his tuberculosis returned, whereupon he lived in seclusion for two years. In , he published The Rebel , a philosophical analysis of rebellion and revolution which expressed his rejection of communism. Upsetting many of his colleagues and contemporaries in France, the book brought about the final split with Sartre.
The dour reception depressed Camus; he began to translate plays. Camus's first significant contribution to philosophy was his idea of the absurd. He saw it as the result of our desire for clarity and meaning within a world and condition that offers neither, which he expressed in The Myth of Sisyphus and incorporated into many of his other works, such as The Stranger and The Plague. Despite his split from his "study partner", Sartre, Camus was still categorized as an Existentialist.
He specifically rejected that label in his essay "Enigma" and elsewhere. Resistance, Rebellion, and Death. But, his personal understanding of the world e. In the s, Camus devoted his efforts to human rights. In , he criticized Soviet methods to crush a workers' strike in East Berlin. Camus maintained his pacifism and resisted capital punishment anywhere in the world.
He wrote an essay against capital punishment in collaboration with Arthur Koestler , the writer, intellectual and founder of the League Against Capital Punishment.
He was consistent in his call for non-aggression in Algeria see below. From to , Camus wrote for L'Express. In , he was awarded the Nobel Prize in literature "for his important literary production, which with clear-sighted earnestness illuminates the problems of the human conscience in our times". Camus remained active and ambitious until the end of his life. Financed by the money he received with his Nobel Prize, he adapted and directed for the stage Dostoyesvsky's Demons. The play opened in January at the Antoine Theatre in Paris.
It was a critical success as well as an artistic and technical tour de force: Camus put the painter and set decorator Mayo , who had already illustrated several of Camus' novels The Stranger , edition , in charge of the demanding task of designing these multiple and complex theater sets. Camus once confided that the troubles in Algeria "affected him as others feel pain in their lungs.
In the s, Camus was affiliated with Left-wing groups like the Maison de Culture in Algiers which were highly critical of the French colonial regime's treatment of Algeria's Arab and indigenous inhabitants, supporting the Blum-Viollette proposal to grant Algerians full French citizenship.
His address on "The New Mediterranean Culture" represents Camus' most systematic statement on his views at this time. In , Camus wrote a stinging series of articles for Alger Republicain on the atrocious living conditions of the inhabitants of the Kabylie highlands, advocating for economic, educational and political reforms as a matter of emergency. When the Algerian War began in , Camus was confronted with a moral dilemma.