If Europe and the U. I think we concentrate on getting a new understanding with the New Core powers as I call them first and let that process draw the Europeans into the fold. If we spend forever trying to get the Europeans signed on, we risk not making the deals and compromises to secure the deep cooperation of all these emerging powers.
Europe will remain focused on internal integration for years, while a Japan will follow wherever China goes, simply because their economic fates are now so intertwined. As the title of your book implies, it's the Pentagon perhaps that needs to remake itself the most of any government agency for this new era. What's the response been like from the senior military officials you've passed this idea by? You'd be surprised how many of the younger flag officers realize that not only is this pathway possible and necessary, but it's already happening all around them.
The real question is how long it will take for our government to recognize and codify this growing bifurcation of DoD, because the rise of the Sys Admin force really requires a huge coordination of effort between the Pentagon and the rest of the U. In the end, the Sys Admin force is only partially manned by DoD, with the bulk coming from elsewhere and the "bodyguards" coming from the military services. But the real answer to the question is this: when you change the minds of the captains and the colonels on this subject, you set in motion the potential for change within the next ten years, because that's how fast they move up and into control in the up-or-out culture of the military.
What tends to drive that change more is failure as opposed to success. I think that failure is brewing today in our occupation of Iraq, so I think the potential for my concept of the Sys Admin force to emerge grows rapidly with each month. Already we see proposals, respectively, out of the Office of the Secretary of Defense and White House for dedicated "stabilization forces" within the U. My job, therefore, is simply to seed the minds of the future admirals and generals who will ultimately oversee this profound transformation.
How realistic is it really though to think that America's military could be reorganized in such an ambitious fashion? It's not only a reorganization of a Cold War force, but a reorganization of an organization dating back over two centuries. All we do in bifurcating the Department of Defense is simply to return it to the same breakdown that defined the U.
So my Leviathan-Sys Admin breakdown is not only not new, it's not even hard to imagine because it's far closer to U. Go back and read your histories of the navy and Marine Corps. You see the spread of globalization as a moral mission of the United States, not simply an exercise to make America safer. That implies a greater American role overseas both militarily and politically. How would you respond to accusations that this is merely the creation -- even if unintentionally -- of an American Empire?
Empire involves the enforcement of both minimal and maximal rule sets, or not only what you cannot do but what you must do. America has never been about the enforcement of maximal rule sets, either at home or abroad. The use of that term, empire, is simply bad history -- simplicity masquerading as sophistication. Moreover, if done right, this pathway does not require a greater effort on the part of the U. Check your history of U. We're working far too hard at managing the global security environment now because we're not well-balanced and because we're doing a poor job at attracting important allies to this mutually-beneficial vision.
This is not a budget-busting effort. This is about managing the world more intelligently and sharing that effort with others united in common vision. That's a bigger effort diplomatically yes, but last time I checked that doesn't exactly break the bank since it's mostly just talk. There is a lot in your book that will make both liberals and conservatives nervous, whether it's an increased military presence around the world or American soldiers in the future actively operating within American borders.
How hard do you think it will be to sell your vision of the future? Again, check out your history since the end of the Cold War. We've been hugely involved and present all over that Gap I describe in the book. So we're not talking more presence or more involvement, just a better use of our people and efforts. Remember, the Gap isn't the entire world, but encompasses roughly one-third of humanity. Within that population, we're talking 8 to 10 situations that need military responses at any one time, and we'll get to each in turn. But remember that we spent -- on any given day -- most of the s involved in 5 to 7 major response situations spread around my Gap.
So this workload is very much something we're used to. It will actually get a lot easier with a rebalanced force more efficiently spread around the Gap and not the "world". The Sys Admin force that evolves will feature service that's far closer to the Coast Guard than to the Cold War military you're imagining "patrolling the streets" of America. The Sys Admin force will look and feel a lot like the current National Guard in many ways, so the change won't be a big deal, unless you're someone who imagines the UN "black helicopters" bearing down on you every time you see a National Guard soldier on a street corner during a heightened terrorist alert.
I didn't see America panic when the Guard was all over the place during the recent Iraq war. I say trust your political system more than giving in to those fears. Orwell continues to be wrong: technology far more empowers the individual than the state. At one point you state that we have to expand our concept of the national security crisis to include 'system perturbations. The concept of System Perturbations is just my attempt to recast crisis from the concept of sheer destruction smoking holes, conventional war, etc.
Remember, we lost more men on the beaches of Normandy one morning back in , and then followed that up with similar losses on a regular basis for months on end. I think that way of defining crisis and instability makes more sense in the interconnected world we live it. You devote much of your time explaining what the Core must do to expand globalization -- or in other words peace -- but what responsibilities do nations in the Gap -- those not connected to the globalization process -- have?
Basically, the societies of the Gap have to move beyond the historical suspicions they still carry with them from the Colonial Age. Globalization comes with rules, not a ruler. To join the global economy is simply to put in place sufficiently stable rule sets within your political system and economy to attract the foreign direct investment that drives real integration. It means rotating your leadership every 4 to 6 years, as 90 percent of the Core does.
And if you cannot achieve that happy medium, you need to accept the aid of the Core in making it happen, even when that means taking down your corrupt, authoritarian "president-for-life. One criticism of The Pentagon's New Map is that you see the world in an entirely rational manner. Some cultures and even entire nations, including some in the Middle East, seem to be completely uninterested in joining this new global order despite its perceived benefits.
How would you react to that criticism? This criticism baffles me, since I define this huge resistance to globalization throughout the book, citing that resistance's willingness to engage in catastrophic acts of terrorism as the main danger to globalization's advance. All of that violent resistance is logically defined as non-rational meaning more drive by emotion than logic , so where exactly do I fail in this model to account for it, since I make it the centerpiece of my view of global struggle? Perhaps I should have employed more obscure poli sci jargon throughout the text, but frankly, I consider this criticism to be a non-issue.
I say it quite clearly in the book: everyone welcomes connectivity but not every society can handle the content flows that come with that connectivity because it challenges traditional definitions of a life well led. So will we see resistance to globalization? Does my model seem more robust if I label such resistance "non-rational"? Maybe to egghead academics, but I didn't write this book for them.
Related to this somewhat obtuse criticism is the charge that I'm the second coming of Norman Angell, because I argue that connectivity necessary breeds the logic of cooperation among great powers. The history on this one is just stunningly bad. I'm Norman Angell with nukes, if you must know. Again, great power war died with the invention of nuclear weapons.
We invent them in and no two great powers have ever gone to war with one another since. It's not woolly-headed to see this era's globalization as ultimately a source of global peace among great powers, it's simply realizing that this historical version of globalization has proceeded in the aftermath of the development of a stable nuclear deterrence among great powers. As for non-rational actors who get their hands on WMD, as I say in the book, you preempt them with all deliberate speed. So again, how I'm ignoring non-rational actors in this book is simply beyond me.
Then again, you've gotta give the academics their shot to tag you with the charge of "ignoring" their preferred jargon. I mean, heck, I never even use the phrase "soft power. Then there's my complete refusal to work in "hegemony" or "hegemonic. The Pentagon's New Map is ultimately an optimistic manifesto since you clearly believe that not only is permanent peace possible but doable.
Globalization will continue to advance so long as we don't screw it up. By advancing, globalization will generate a lot of tumult in traditional societies, in turn generating a lot of irrational violence that will have to be suppressed see, I'm learning to address my critics better! So the future I describe is rather inevitable so long as we don't lose our cool or our resolve in dealing with the tough-but-clearly-boundable security issues ahead. Just 15 years ago we still spent our days in this business worrying about global nuclear Armageddon, and now we're all about hunting down and disabling bad guys who either seek to engage in terrorism or who keep this societies cruelly isolated from the outside world and yes, I am thinking about that mass-murdering Kim Jong Il next.
It may seem like the road ahead is harder, but it isn't. All the big problems, like war among great powers, have been solved. Now we move onto the tougher nuts to crack, meaning sub-national violence and transnational terrorism, but these issues are nowhere near the problem sets we faced previously. We are on the verge of ending war as we have known it for centuries.
Interstate war is going the war of the dinosaur, and globalization continues to spread around the world, lifting hundreds of millions out of poverty in the last two decades alone. All I am talking about in this book is how to invite the remaining one-third of humanity into the good life most of us already enjoy -- a life without mass violence and a life with growing economic connectivity and individual freedom. It's a future worth creating, as I say, and it is completely within our grasp.
Thanks very much for joining us Dr. Steve Martinovich is a freelance writer from Sudbury, Ontario, Canada. I don't mean that in an objective sense, but rather that I'm personally very happy with the combative tone I chose to employ here. Rereading it again, I now understand why the Swiss online military journal wanted to translate it: it comes off as very muscular and confident. I don't think I would have given such bold responses if I hadn't been in the middle of all that PR hullabaloo with the book tour, but clearly I was pretty warm sitting there in bed on a Saturday night to crank out this material that fast.
This is the exact same text, just in French. I include it here simply because I like to capture such things for the record, plus it gives people who come to the site from other countries a chance to check the ideas and me out in a language more familiar to them. So sue me! I'm trying to be multilateral here! Comment voyez-vous la Chine dans 20 ans, et pourquoi? Comment le feriez-vous? Encore une fois, regardez notre histoire de la fin de la Guerre froide.
As someone who took French two years in high school in the mids whoa Daddy! More to the point, it's interesting that the Swiss military have so much interest in my work. People assume the Europeans dislike me and my ideas, when the exact opposite is true among the militaries there. I expect to be visiting a lot of Europe in coming months, as the invites continue to pour in. Suffice it to say, seeing this interview in French only makes me want to see PNM in French all the more, but I'm pretty sure that will happen eventually.
It was flagged and sent to me in China by the Naval War College's public affairs people. My comments follow, as does the daily catch. In the short term since, say, Sept. But they are not. Thomas Barnett's book, "The Pentagon's New Map," puts these and many other matters in a compelling and elevating context that points toward "a future worth creating. The bad news is that only the US can shrink the Gap. Only the US can make globalization truly global. In some sense, this is a personal intellectual odyssey.
A new political science PhD Harvard, , with a dissertation on East German and Romanian policies toward the third world , Barnett learned to think "horizontally" from his mentors in the Center for Naval Analyses. He joined the Naval War College in and then worked for the financial firm Cantor Fitzgerald on post-cold-war global assessments, before the company was decimated Sept.
Throughout this odyssey, Barnett's thesis evolved. Its key elements reflect a variety of other views but are assembled here in a new and powerful fashion. A key theme is how hard it is to get new ideas into the minds of military leaders. Change is always threatening to patterns in congressional funding and to the military, whose leadership tends to be tied to the worldview that was dominant when they made "flag" in this case, the cold war. This means a "bifurcated" military, something along the lines of the US military before the split into separate services.
In his view, the US leviathan needs to be ready to strike into the gap with overwhelming force as in Iraq and lead a multinational process of rebuilding that creates opportunities for the affected country to join the core. This latter role, what Barnett calls System Administrator, is the most difficult for the US military to accept. Barnett's book forces a rethinking of the current debate on the Iraq war.
It encourages one to give up convenient but petty ideas that President Bush declared war on Saddam Hussein to settle old scores for his father or that his evangelical Christian views have drawn the US into a foreign policy "quagmire. Why not in the Middle East? Barnett asks. Anyone looking for a vision of how the new American Empire can be better than its predecessors may well find it here. To be sure, his brilliant policy wonkiness leads occasionally to self-indulgence. The high he experiences when delivering rapid fire "killer briefs" is described far too often. And a fantasy account of his career as a Fox Mulder Doppelganger with top-secret clearance goes over the top without adding anything to his argument.
More important, Barnett's book opens up a "future worth creating. But shrinking the gap will enhance America's security even as it improves life around the world. As Barnett points out, it's both worthy and self-interested. Heyl is executive director of international programs and professor of history at Old Dominion University in Norfolk, Va. His only criticisms are standard issue for the visionary: "This guy's got an awfully big head! He also approves of the career-story being weaved throughout the high-concept parts and he catches that my thinking has evolved dramatically as a result of that "professional odyssey" , which is nice, but he does commit the error of reporting that I worked directly for Cantor.
But that's nitpicking, because it's always a rather quick read when you're reviewing. All in all, this is one nice review for a national newspaper, especially from a academic historian of some real standing, because history buffs in general often get pissed off at how quickly I race through history to make my points not enough detail! Hmm, if I can get this good from the Monitor first place I ever published an article , it makes me wonder when the Washington Post where I've also published twice will ever get around to reviewing it like they promised. White, Wall Street Journal, 2 September, p.
More evidence of why arms control is a completely meaningless concept nowadays "U. This is the political struggle that really matters right now in the world: the one between the 3rd and 4th generation leaderships of China. This is not a choice between two really rich white guys from Yale, but a serious struggle over the future course of the world's most populous country. The 3rd generation, exemplified by Jiang Jemin still with the top spot in the military , is not going softly into the night, despite handing over power officially a while back to the far more technocratic 4th generation, led by President Hu Jintao.
Jiang wants a hard line on Taiwan and full steam ahead on economic growth, whereas Hu is far more nuanced on Taiwan because he's looking to become a regional political statesman and not just the "conqueror" of the renegade province, plus he's far more attuned to the plight of the rural poor in China, something that really bears watching if China isn't going to come apart socially with all this booming development my theory that the train's engine can't travel any faster than the caboose.
Because Hu sounds vaguely more Marxist with his populism, you might think he's the retrograde, but it's really Jiang who needs to be pushed off the stage. This guy is just way too much into solidifying his historical legacy, and his impatience on both economic growth and Taiwan is dangerous for the country and the world as a whole, because it threatens global stability with the twin specters of a banking crisis in China and a showdown with the U. The U. Russia is coming to the Middle East security-wise because everything it fears in terms of instability and danger lie to its south.
Russia has let its military and security services languish over the past decade, and the ramping up of violence connected with Chechnya is going to push the Kremlin into re-militarizing its foreign policy and re-energizing its internal police forces. Like China, India, and Western Europe in general, Russia's biggest security issues have to do with Muslims living both along its borders and along the "edges" of its society.
The problems of integrating Muslims into democratic societies in the Core is just the microcosm of the problem the Core faces in integrating the Middle East into the expanding global economy. I know a lot of people look at Russia right now and see ever more evidence of the world going to hell in a handbasket, but I see a nation getting its motivation to truly join a GWOT the hard way. Holy cow! That should stop the bloodshed overnight!
Just like ten years of sanctions stopped Saddam's bloody rule. Where was the same "coalition of the caring" when 50, old people and children under the age of 5 died each year in Iraq over the course of the s thanks to the economic sanctions levied by the UN? Twelve years of that gets you about , premature deaths. And that's only those who died because of the West's diddling on the subject. So what's so sacred now about Sudan that separates it from Iraq?
Bush decides to end that slow-mo carnage and finally bring down Saddam, and for that he's vilified as some latter-day Hitler by the Left, which now seems more than willing to send troops into the Sudan. Is this coalition somehow under the impression that no U. Is anyone under the illusion that this would not also quickly get cast as the imperial U. I'm so tired of this picking and choosing approach to international security.
I think we should have done Iraq and I think we should be doing Sudan. The Left and Right can't fight over these individual choices tooth and nail and then wonder why so many jobs get left half-done or not done at all. Arms transfers are down globally, but up with regard to the Gap buying from the Core, with the U. My, how little have things changed from the Cold War. Meanwhile, China and the U.
Hmm, that does seem like a big change. When I was in college, the biggest global security issue was strategic arms control among those great powers now identified by me as belonging to the Core. Because they now belong to the Core, all that effort at controlling nukes is OBE. That's right.
Titles beginning with "U" - Biodiversity Heritage Library
No one cares about it anymore. Wanna sell nuke technology to the Chinese? Be my guest. As for conventional stuff, including missiles, there we're talking the Core's big powers selling whatever they can throughout the Gap. That's where all the violence and danger is, so that's where the market is. No one is talking about limiting those flows either. Too much money to be made. It's amazing to me that the Core's great powers can see the win-win on sharing military-related technology among themselves but can't see the utility in restricting the flow of dangerous stuff to the Gap. It's like we think we can have our Kantian cake in the Core and somehow chow down on arms transfers to the Hobbesian war zones of the Gap.
The two simply don't go together, but rather reflect the bifurcated nature of the global security environment today. Until, we get Core-wide understanding of the fundamental differences between the security rule set that dominates the Core and the lack of one in the Gap, this schizophrenic approach to fostering global "stability" will continue. Don't get me wrong: I don't believe you can really restrict the flow of dangerous technologies from the Core to the Gap, because there will always be people and regimes in the Gap who will do whatever it takes to get their hands on the stuff.
Those people I simply preempt when the time comes. Instead of that classic approach to high-end arms control, I think the Core as a whole should focus as much as possible on the little stuff, meaning the great flow of conventional small arms to the Gap. But here, like with abortion, we see the internal rule set clash in the U.
Our internal fight over abortion ruins much of our foreign aid on birth control inside the Gap, just as our insane fights over limiting access to dangerous small arms inside our own country makes us a laggard in pushing for similar restrictions globally. I hate to say it, but I think the back and forth with al-Sadr isn't going to end any time soon. This guy's negotiating tactics remind me of Arafat's: hard-core right up to the point where he's going to suffer a conventional defeat, and then he promises to rehab himself and join the political process, but then within days he's right back at the violence again once you've let your guard down, so you pummel him some more and the cycle of lies and apparent compromises continues to no good effect over time.
So if our continued long-term occupation of Iraq leads to all sorts of other countries falling into their own showdowns with terrorism, whether it's hostages in the Middle East or violence within their own borders, it's better that we've made the Middle East and the global terrorism that its non-integration with the rest of the world has spawned the number one security issue for as many significant players throughout the Core as possible. In short, Iraq can't ever really get "too bad" for the purposes of getting the rest of the Core to wake up to the real security challenges that lie ahead for us all.
In some ways, the worst thing that could have happened would have been for the Iraq occupation by the U. Is that trying to make a silk purse out of a sow's ear? Not really. In the end, it's only being realistic about how things change: i. I know that all sounds scary, because what people want to hear is that the GWOT will lead immediately to increased levels of stability and security. But it won't. We're at a point in history when new rules are emerging all over the place on issues of global stability and security, so expect more violence in the short run, not less, and expect to read more stories about everything going to hell in a handbasket, not fewer.
The choice between Kerry and Bush is not one between more or less violence and instability in the global security system, but rather a question of which leader will navigate us and the Core as a whole toward the promised land faster. Another way to put it is to say, Have we had enough of Bush's necessary "unilateralism" and should we now turn to a more nuanced Kerry sort of multilateralism?
Or is that inevitable historical switch premature at this point? Great story on Cambodia feeling "forced" to joint the WTO, lest it be "smothered" by the international garment industry trade and its "new rules. But don't think I relish watching that sort of dynamic wreak havoc on Gap states only. I also enjoy watching the U. All I can say there is, You go Canada! I got to spend a lot of time interacting with various Windows on the World personnel during the lengthy set-ups for each of our "economic security exercises" that we conducted atop World Trade Center 1 on the th floor in the years It was an amazing restaurant and conference facility, like nothing else in the world.
Now, of course, it's nothing. Windows on the World no longer exists except in the painful memories of those who survived or who lost their loved ones in the attacks. I mean, everyone wants that day to be remembered alright, but it cannot be evoked for any suffering or loss that isn't logically traced to some future worth creating.
In other words, it can't be used in an open-ended fashion to justify all sorts of new rules that scare too many people, both here and around the world. Rather, it must be used to rededicate ourselves and our country to a "happy ending" that puts all the suffering of that day into proper perspective. It is the mega-version of the brief, meaning pretty much all the big slides I've used over the years.
Audience of about in beautiful hall with lots of wood grain, wonderful well-lit stage, and instead of usual screen, a wall of integrated video monitors. I ran the brief off the hall's system and it behaved quite well. Sound effects came through beautifully and I wore a clip-on mike, so I could roam the stage at will. The second camera filmed me some, some the monitor and did crowd reaction shots.
CSPAN techs said later that they felt the capture was great-especially the brief. My performance was solid, but not spectacular, but my hosts were very happy. My mouth was a bit out of sorts at various points-perhaps fatigue. Anyway, it's over and in the can. It will be interesting to see how the material holds up almost three months later.
It will also be interesting to see if I get the same bounce from this pair of broadcasts that I got from the three showings of Book Notes last Memorial Day weekend. Will similar things happen this time? I doubt it. But I do expect some interesting horizontal scenarios to emerge. Right now, I'm fielding a load of interesting briefing offers from all over the Intelligence Community. Add in the election and the usual ramping up of transition conferences and workshops either for a new admininstration or a second Bush one , and it's gonna be a great fall to have a big book full of big ideas out there and circulating.
These broadcasts could propel PNM into new heights, not so much in terms of sales but more so in terms of influence inside the Beltway. Then there is the college book-buying market. Anyway, it'll be a real thrill to watch always a bit painful at first as I hate the pitch of my voice, but then I get used to it so many ear surgeries later, I have a very odd sense of my own voice, but then again, so do most people even without all the eardrum reconstruction work.
I plan on getting some really good beer perhaps Tsing Tao, which I now have a taste for , a Tombstone adding anchovies , and maybe sardines with crackers and Port Wine cheese spread. Yes, I'm going all out to celebrate, and with that much funky fish stuff, I may well be celebrating alone. So for all of you who've been waiting like me for this thing to finally happen--enjoy it for all it's worth. Seems he wants to have a show with fewer restrictions on who he interviews very tight rule set on Book Notes: only book authors and only once in their lifetimes--no repeats.
Realizing what an amazing run that show has had, I now feel even more priviliged that I got to appeat on it before it closed. Suffice it to say, Mr.
Lamb remains a revered figure in my career to date. He's wielded an interesting form of power with that show all these years, and he used it very wisely, me thinks. If the road up was a heart stress test, then the road down was a joint test. I ditched my cap at the bottom, because a near-continuous stream of sweat was pouring off the tip of the bill by the time I hit bottom.
Naturally, I paid 40 yuan to have my name and date engraved on a brass plaque suitable for hanging. You bust your balls like that in the heat and humidity and you want a trophy, damn it! Dateline: above the garage in Portsmouth RI, 7 August Gonna keep this quick because I gotta clean the house one last time this afternoon.
Each of these documents can be found as subsequent posts here. Clearly, the most important words that appear on the cover are the first four, because that phrase is what gets you shelf space as a paperback, plus a whole lot more promotion when the book comes out. My commentary follows:. Paul B. Davis, national security expert, Washington, D. Since the end of the Cold War, America has searched for a new theory to explain how this seemingly chaotic world actually works.
Building on the works of Thomas Friedman and Francis Fukuyama, and then taking a leap beyond, this book offers much-needed hope at a crucial yet uncertain time in history. He criticizes and praises Republican and Democratic administrations alike.
- 4th World Water Forum Mexico 2006.
- Il segreto dei ricchi (Italian Edition).
- WECF goals.
In an era of political firestorms set off by one-sided tell-all books from government insiders, this is particularly welcome. Barnett is a senior strategic researcher and professor at the U. Naval War College. Before that, he directed the NewRulesSets. A Harvard Ph.
George W. Bush has not given us a scenario of how the war on terrorism will be fought over the years, and how we can sense whether we are following the right path and are on the road to success. Others will ask why we should care about what happens in the Gap. September 11 answered them.
A) General information about the euro
Mac Thornberry R-Tex. He believes that globalization can create prosperity anywhere only if it creates prosperity everywhere. I have never seen such a persuasive presentation linking defense policy and globalization analyses. Cebrowski ret. Raduchel, Ph. Those who would either support or criticize the administration must address its elements if they are to participate productively in the debate. Donald C. The only one missing that I could think of was Business Week, but there must not have been a great quote from that otherwise very positive review.
This is really the first serious book review I have ever done. I was happy to be asked, since Adam meant so much to me as a person and mentor. I wrote it last fall. My commentary follows: To access the PDF file of the review, click here. I guess I just think they could have found a more measured and tasteful way to put down their remembrances of the man. Having lost my Dad this year, I understand what drives people to want to speak out in memory of a dead relative. Amazingly, I got paid for all three!
Asmus und Kenneth M. Where next? Barnett, Professor am U. Als die Vereinigten Staaten am Persischen Golf abermals in den Krieg zogen, ging es nicht darum, eine alte Rechnung zu begleichen, oder einfach um die zwangsweise Beseitigung illegaler Waffen und eine Abwechslung im Kampf gegen den Terror. Sie zwingt die Amerikaner, sich auf das neue Sicherheits-Paradigma einzustellen, das, wie ich finde, dieses Zeitalter charakterisiert: Disconnectedness defines danger - nicht eingebunden zu sein, bedeutet Gefahr.
Keine der beiden Auffassungen trifft die Sache wirklich. Aber Vorsicht mit solch darwinistischem Pessimismus! Und wie dauerhaft ist diese Trennlinie? Und das wiegt auf lange Sicht viel schwerer, wenn es um die dauerhafte Sicherung des Kern -Status geht. Ebensowenig verwandeln sich all die Armen von jetzt auf gleich in eine stabile Mittelschicht. Das sind praktisch die verbleibenden zwei Milliarden. Und der Rest der Welt? Der Zudem begann der globale Krieg gegen den Terrorismus, das Prisma, durch das die Administration inzwischen jede bilaterale Sicherheitsbeziehung betrachtet, die wir rund um die Welt unterhalten.
Die Angriffe des Jahrhundert entstammt. Welche Staaten sind das? September; 2. Die reflexartige Reaktion vieler Amerikaner auf den Der Nahe und Mittlere Osten ist der perfekte Ort um loszulegen. In einer Region, in der die Quellen der Unsicherheit nicht zwischen Staaten liegen, sondern innerhalb derselben, kann Diplomatie nicht funktionieren.
Was steht dem Wandel im Wege? Angst vor dem Missfallen der Mullahs. Angst, das Ziel radikaler Gruppen und terroristischer Netzwerke zu werden. Aber es ist das richtige Vorgehen und der richtige Zeitpunkt, und wir sind das einzige Land, das dazu im Stande ist. Zeigen Sie mir die umfangreichsten Investitionskonzentrationen der Weltwirtschaft, und ich zeige Ihnen zwei Regionen, Europa und Japan, die unsere Besatzungspolitik nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg wieder aufbaute.
Aber entsprechende Anstrengungen unsererseits waren im Mittleren Osten inkonsequent, und in Afrika fanden sie praktisch nicht statt. Klassische Kriege zwischen Staaten sind inzwischen selten geworden. September niemals passiert. Verbindungen zwischen Drogenkartellen und Rebellen entwickelten sich im Laufe der Jahre, und heute wissen wir auch von Verbindungen zum internationalen Terrorismus. Wir sind involviert, versprechen mehr und kommen nicht weiter.
Brasilien und Argentinien. Wird sich die Welt ausreichend Sorgen machen um einzugreifen? Um wieviel schrecklicher muss es noch werden, bevor wir versuchen, zumindest irgendetwas zu tun? Weitere drei Millionen Tote? Obendrein gibt es AIDS. Lebenserwartung schon jetzt unter 40! Das einzig funktionierende Kern -Land in Afrika, aber es steht auf der Kippe. Jetzt hochgezogene Mauer wird die Berliner Mauer des Jahrhunderts sein. Immer besteht Gefahr, dass jemand ein verzweifelter Saddam? Eine Frage des Wann und Wie, nicht des Ob.
Danach gibt es einen gigantischen Reha-Job. Chronisches Fehlen einer Regierung. Chronisches Problem des Einsickerns terroristischer Netzwerke. Konterrevolution hat begonnen. Diesmal wollen die Studenten die Mullahs rauswerfen. Regierung an Al Qaida verschleudert. Riesige Drogenquelle Heroin. Eindeutig Al Qaida-infiziert. September uns zu neuerlicher Kooperation zwang. Pakistan scheint nicht viel von seinem eigenen Territorium zu kontrollieren. Dabei, sich Massenvernichtungswaffen zu beschaffen.
Opfer der wirtschaftlichen Krise in Asien es wurde regelrecht aus dem Rennen geworfen. Und dann gibt es da AIDS. An erster Stelle steht immer die Gefahr des Atomkrieges mit Pakistan. April diesen Jahres. Das ist nicht so. It has amazed me how much of a controversial figure I have become in Germany solely on the basis of that one article. Much of the problem was caused by a power outage at the college that morning, which simultaneously freed up my schedule while making it real hard for me to get anything done.
The rest of the time was spent getting my hardware all together and tested to make sure I could take notes via my Handspring, transfer that to my laptop, and then send that via a high-speed connection. For these government incentives to have the desired effects, however, it is necessary to gain a better understanding of small towns, their potentials, local dynamics and the factors which make them attractive sites for citizens and investors alike. Despite their potentially important role, there has not yet been much research on small urban centres in Vietnam and their linkages on local, national and regional levels.
This problem is not uniquely Vietnamese. Vietnam is currently experiencing a swift urban transition. Large urban centres benefit from the influx of capital and resources which currently accompanies the rapid economic development in Vietnam. However, the swift urban development and the inflow of migrants are placing the urban administration under increasing pressure. Non-registered migrants from rural areas currently pose 15 to 25 percent of the urban population in larger urban centres Coulthart et. The rural areas, on the other hand, are experiencing a drain of capital, manpower and other resources.
Due to the promotion of mono-cropping, the rural livelihood is increasingly dependent on and vulnerable to external influences. All this contributes to the danger of spatially unequal development Douglass 11; Hoang et. Despite rapid economic development, the poverty rate in the countryside remains significantly higher than in the urban areas General Statistics Office The still comparatively low level of urbanisation in Vietnam6, however, offers the chance for new policies to impact on geographic and demographic trends in favour of more sustainable and equal development.
These are centres of 4. While small towns do not accommodate the mass of the urban population nor experience the highest urban growth rates, they are nevertheless, due to their wide dispersal and close proximity, crucial for the integration of the countryside — which still is home to 73 percent of the Vietnamese population. Hence in Vietnam, too, small towns are potential critical interfaces at which rural and urban life worlds, state and citizens meet and negotiate. A highly relevant interface also with regards to transformations within the Vietnamese society is the encounter between the state and its citizens.
The district level, on which small towns are located, represents the lowest level of jurisdictation. In accordance with their assigned administrative role, small towns, especially district capitals, feature a sizeable public sector. Local state representatives link local and national levels, translating and implementing many of the laws, programmes and policies issued by the central government. Today, civil servants and representatives of the Communist Party function as mediators between the local population which they themselves are a part of and the state which they represent Sikor They are in charge of developing programmes and policies according to local needs as well as implementing reforms including the important task of allocating land use rights to rural households.
In this context, they interpret government guidelines according to their own priorities and can thereby create space for personal interests Sikor Balancing personal, state and local interests becomes challenging when they conflict with each other. Whether local level or state interests are given priority in the case of conflicting interests depends on whether the horizontal linkages to the local level or vertical linkages to the central authorities are stronger.
A common background or shared ethnicity, common economic and social interests or a shared view on legitimate authority can strengthen horizontal ties Sikor Recent studies provide examples of such processes of negotiation between local authorities and the population8. It describes. A second interface within small towns which qualifies for further scrutiny concerns encounters in the economic sector. The economic sector within small towns is crucial for their role as regional centres of production and distribution. Especially the small trade sector is an important source of off-farm income and thus vital for the economic development of small towns and the surrounding rural region.
For much of the local population, off-farm employment is a necessity, rather than a way to increase profits Rigg ; Hoang et. It is likely that participating in small trade requires access to key resources and at the same time makes available certain important resources. An analysis of the small trade sector can thus give insight in structures of power, distribution of resources and social organisation in small towns.
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The economic sector features both vertical linkages between central state, local authorities and citizens as well as horizontal linkages such as between the political legislative and executive organs and economic suppliers, industrial consumers, local customers, kinship supplying capital etc.
At social interfaces, those actors hold key positions which can make external knowledge available locally Burt 1. Entrepreneurs are one group which qualifies for the role as mediator or broker. They rely on good networking in order to secure access to financial capital, labour, information and other strategic resources - resources, which appear to be particularly scarce in small towns Long The linkages entrepreneurs establish allow them to act as economic brokers between networks which link the local market to regional and national structures, local consumers to supra-regional producers Long Small enterprises and those in the informal sector often form clusters in order to secure their position on the market.
Larger, supra-regional enterprises, on the other hand, revert to the local networks of small-scale enterprises to improve the distribution of goods and services Pedersen These linkages allow entrepreneurs to act as economic brokers between producers and consumers of various levels and destinations. This is particularly important for rural regions in which the majority of the population commonly lacks mobility and has few supra-regional links of its own to draw upon.
If actors functioning as brokers along interfaces, e. As local actors with various social linkages to draw upon, these actors can also benefit from network closure, an important source of social capital Coleman Network closure has the effect of facilitating sanctions, thus strengthening mutual trust and improving cooperation within the group Burt 8. Network closure, however, also implies. In this context, the structure of the economic sector in small towns points towards clear power differentials.
The labour market in small urban centres is highly fragmented regarding qualifications, income, security etc. Socially marginalized households are at a disadvantage here, as the access to employment opportunities depends to a large extent on social networks. Actors who lack access to crucial social networks may be forced to engage in more unprofitable occupations and thus be excluded from the opportunities and benefits of regional development Tacoli Who remains outsider and is largely excluded from the distribution of key resources, may be based on various criteria.
Groups may be excluded based on their ethnicity, education, income or duration of stay in the community etc. These processes of interaction, exclusion and integration also impact on the surrounding region in so far as they determine how resources are distributed within the region, and how the rural population is integrated into the development. Outlook An assessment of the role and developmental potential of small towns should be an integral part of any comprehensive urban development strategy. This requires not only a closer look at present government policies and administrative structures, but also at the dynamics within the urban centres themselves and their relations with their hinterland as well as with national and regional levels.
The analysis of power differentials and the distribution of resources in small towns can indicate challenges and potentials of regional development. This in turn may indicate a starting-point for development policies that can influence the given dynamics in favour of more equal, integrative and sustainable regional development. For this analysis, an approach is needed which can integrate both complex local interrelations as well as take into account the broader regional context.
It should allow for the local particularities in processes of interaction but should still able to provide results of general validity. In this context, a promising concept is that of the social interface. How interaction along interfaces takes place has an impact on the distribution of resources and consequently power both within the urban centres and between the urban centres and their respective hinterland.
In the analysis, rather than trying to grasp the complex dynamics and forms of interaction within small urban. This was exemplified here by a brief outline of local-level encounters along political and economic interfaces in Vietnam. Vietnam, in its current phase of rapid transition, provides a good example of the potentials and challenges inherent in small towns as a ruralurban link interface.
In addition, changes in policies and on-going administrative reforms in Vietnam demand for a better understanding of local-level dynamics and how these are connected to higher-level processes and structures. This article presents only a brief sketch of possible correlations. Further research and in-depth studies with a more narrow scope will be necessary needed to validate the theoretical approach and deliver more concrete insights.
In this context, a comparative study of conditions in China may be revealing. Arensberg, C. Family and Community in Ireland. Cambridge, Mass. Burt, R. Coleman, J. Foundations of Social theory. Coulthart, A. Nguyen and H. Hanoi: World Bank. Douglass, M. Elias, N. Fforde, A. Giddens, A. Die Konstitution der Gesellschaft. Washington: IIED. Koh, D.
Wards of Hanoi. Laumann, E. Networks of collective action. A perspective on community influence systems. New York: Academic Press. Long, N. An introduction to the sociology of rural development. Suffolk: Tavistock Publications. Development sociology - Actor perspectives. New York: Routledge. Lubell, H. Third World Urbanization and International Assistance. Urban Studies, 21, Marr, D. In Kerkvliet, B. Marr, pp.
Pedersen, P. The implication of national-level policies on the development of SIUC. March Rigg, J. Rural-urban interactions, agriculture and wealth: A Southeast Asian perspective. Progress in Human Geography, 22 4 , Rondinelli, D. Urbanization and rural development. A spatial policy for equitable growth. New York: Praeger Publishers. Secondary cities in developing countries. Policies for diffusing urbanism. London: Sage. Towns and small cities in developing countries. The Geographical Review, 73 4 , Satterthwaite, D. Small and Intermediate urban centres. Their role in national and regional development in the 3rd world.
Boulder, Col. Satterthwhaite, D. A critical review of the role of small and intermediate urban centres in national, regional and local economies of low- and middle-income economies, with particular reference to rural development and poverty reduction. Section 3: The role of small and intermediate urban centres in regional and rural development.
The urban part of rural development. The role of small and intermediate urban centres in rural and regional development and poverty reduction. Working paper Series on rural-urban interactions and livelihood strategies. Working paper No. London: IIED. Schatzberg, M. Islands of privilege: Small cities in Africa and the Dynamics of class formation.
Urban Anthropology, 2, Sikor, T. Local government in the exercise of state power. In: Kerkvliet, B. Marr, Eds. Southhall, A. Small urban centres in rural development in Africa. Madison, Wisconsin: University of Wisconsin. Tacoli, C. Rural-urban interactions: A guide to the literature. Environment and Urbanisation, 10 1 , The Role of Small and Intermediate Cities and Market towns and the value of regional approaches to the rural poverty reduction policy.
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Helsinki Workshop June Titus, M. Town and Hinterland in developing countries. Perspectives on rural-urban interaction and regional development. Amsterdam: Thela Thesis. Nairobi: Habitat. Rural-urban linkages: An emerging policy priority. Retrieved April 23, , from www. State of world population.
Unleashing the potential of urban growth. Small towns and beyond: Rural transformation and small urban centres in Latin America. Warner, W. The status system of a modern community. Yankee city series Vol. New Haven: Yale University Press.
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Democracy in Jonesville. A study in quality and inequality. New York: Harper. The urban agglomeration of the Vietnamese southeast industrial driving force Ho Chi Minh City HCMC has become the most outstanding beneficiary of the remarkable economic growth and foreign investments in the Vietnamese economy since the start of a comprehensive economic reform process in the mid s. The notable development towards the foremost economic centre led to a high influx of migrant workers. In the course of an ongoing expansion process towards a megacity of tomorrow, the deficient provision of adequate housing remains one of the most challenging problems of rural migrants in Greater HCMC.
However, a future-oriented sustainable megacity concept is strongly dependent on the successful integration of migrants into the urban society. Within this context, the housing market is considered to be a key aspect of comprehensive urban planning. Hereby, housing microfinance HMF will be presented as an alternative housing finance scheme meeting the demand of a noteworthy number of poor and low-income people. Thereby HMF can do both: focus on specific needs of migrants with respect to their current life situation and enhance its outreach to a potential target group. Bisher konnte das rasante Stadtwachstum der vergangenen Jahre einer ausreichenden Wohnraumversorgung nicht entsprechen.
In der vorliegenden Abhandlung wird Mikrofinanzierung von Wohnraum als ein innovatives Finanzinstrument zur Wohnraumversorgung vorgestellt, mit dem es gelingen kann, dem Bedarf von Teilen der untersten Einkommensschichten zu entsprechen. Dabei kann sich dieser Ansatz sowohl auf die Zukunftserwartungen der Arbeitsmigranten beziehen als auch die Entwicklung des Mikrofinanzsektors insgesamt vorantreiben. Introduction The year symbolises an important milestone on the scale of human settlements. For the first time the number of the urban population worldwide exceeds the amount of rural residents in total.
The demographic analysts of urban development declared the new urban millennium UN-Habitat The so-called urban revolution is mainly due to an exploding development of urban agglomeration regions in developing countries UN-Habitat Besides strong population growth, fast growing cities have to deal with urban poverty, social inequality, scarce housing, slum settlements, insufficient sanitation and missing waste collection services causing extreme environmental deficiencies.
The prospering industrial region became the national spearhead of urban development. By the economic reform process doi moi and the opening up for foreign direct investments FDIs HCMC is pushed within the ongoing transition from socialist planning towards a market-oriented economy cf. Nestor Nowadays, the basic export-led industrialisation strategy is accompanied by growing domestic consumption and investment spending. Both aspects are extremely visible within the housing market. Even though. Vietnam has achieved a remarkable decrease of overall poverty and confidently steps towards the fulfilments of the UN Millennium Development Goals MDGs , a recent increase in urban poverty could be revealed.
Generally the field of housing symbolises a strong integrative aspect for migrants into an urban society. However, low incomes, remittances and fewer savings, as well as a restrictive registration system, make it extremely difficult for rural migrants to participate in the housing market, which is strongly characterised by high land and housing prices. Furthermore, the insufficient access to the formal financial system intensifies this incapacity, as the access to housing strongly depends on the access to financial services.
This paper examines in how far the promotion of alternative housing finance schemes might be an integrative strategy to support the empowerment and development of rural migrants in an urban society. Population Growth, Migration Dynamics and Urbanisation Processes Dynamic migration streams and permanent re-distribution of population are deep-rooted characteristics of the Vietnamese history N. Dang Within the last two decades new migration phenomena are appearing in the course of the overall market-oriented social and economic reform process.
Table 1. Following the new strategy, HCMC claims the national pole position. Source: P. Within the last two decades the population of HCMC grew by 60 percent from 3. Additionally, it is estimated that more than 1. The ongoing population pressure is mainly a result of the potential employment opportunities in various industrial and export processing zones. These industrial areas are primarily located in the rural-urban fringe and cause remarkable growth rates in suburban districts. The high increase in population doubled the size of the settlement area from to today. Taking the industrial corridor of the adjoining provinces Dong Nai, Binh Duong and Ba Ria — Vung Tau into calculation, a mega-urban region with more than 10 million inhabitants is already in existence Waibel et al.
Suburbanisation is predominantly pushed by urban upgrading programmes in the city centre and eviction processes in previous slum settlements. Furthermore, an overall transformation of living space into business space in the inner city intensifies population movements to suburban districts. This is mostly visible in a lack of technical and social infrastructure. These circumstances are causing conflicts with sustainable housing policies in the course of ongoing urbanisation processes.
The disregard of these fields by public authorities has dramatic consequences for the economic, administrative, social, cultural and ecological livelihood of all city dwellers, especially for the poor. On site, so-called boarding houses are the leadoff destination for migrants in the new urban context. Boarding houses are rental and sharable informal housing units which are located close to industrial zones at the backyards of local landlords, nearly invisible from the street front.
This type of housing is characterised by a standardised architecture, cheap construction material and lack of technical infrastructure. Thereby most housing units violate all construction laws. Furthermore, boarding houses are generally overcrowded and very expensive. Residents find themselves in precarious living. In either case boarding house units lead to strong exclusion effects and spatial segregation. Noltze, Rural migrants who enter the urban context are primarily young, single and female. Whole village communities find themselves within the same boarding house units, bringing parts of their families and cultural idiosyncrasies into the urban society.
In this regard, migrants are involved in strong networks. In addition to the insufficient financial power, the Vietnamese ho khau registration system does not allow non-permanent residents KT3, KT4 to participate fully in the real estate market until they have achieved a permanent residency KT1, KT2. Consequently migrants use informal ways to achieve land property. They rely on non-professional and doubtful financial services provided by private moneylenders, relatives, friends or neighbours. Nevertheless, a rethinking of the restrictive registration system by the authorities can be detected in recent times.
This is mostly noticeable in the New Law on Residency, which softens previous restrictions. Rural-urban migrants constitute a significant share of the Vietnamese poor, even though it is nearly impossible to document this by absolute figures as migrants are generally not registered in nation-wide statistics. Although migrant workers are not considered to be the poorest of the poor, they are facing an extreme risk to fall below national and international poverty lines5.
Insecure employment contracts, hard working conditions and a heavily polluted environment are reasons for seasonal unemployment, health risks and stress. The average monthly incomes exceeds 60 USD. However, high expenditures lower potential savings and remittances. The foremost expenditures include high rents, exceptional rates for water, electricity and waste collection services.
Recently these circumstances are additionally accompanied by high inflation rates in overall Vietnam. The restrictive ho khau hierarchy intensifies the financial disparity between permanent and non-permanent residents. Besides the inability of migrants to enter the state-owned economic sector they do have considerably lower payments for equal work in contrast to non-migrants ADB 6.
Boarding house in the backyard of local landlords in the urban district Thu Duc Photo by M. Boarding houses are the physical manifestation of the socio-economic exclusion of migrants. High taxes for basic infrastructure and a gap between the demand and the supply of public services intensify their deficient living conditions. According to the Vietnam Migration 5 The international poverty line includes the One- or Two- Dollar-a-day definition by the World Bank, national poverty lines by the GSO measure poverty by the proportion of household expenditures and a daily food consumption basket and vary due to regional differences between urban, rural and mountainous regions.
Additionally, of all social groups, migrants have the least access to social security such as health insurance. Furthermore, gender-related differences are detectable. Especially the group of migrant women suffer from exhausting working conditions in labour-intensive industrial employments ADB 6.
Today microfinance is not only about micro- credit anymore. Helms Within the last decades world-wide approaches have proven that banking for the poor is able to achieve both financial independence as well as institutional sustainability. During the last two decades adapted HMF schemes turned into a noteworthy tool in order to upgrade living space and to fight overall housing shortage in rural and urban contexts, especially in developing countries Serageldin The potential market segment for microfinance institutions differs significantly from traditional home lenders and the public sector.
The former focus predominantly on high income groups, the public sector gives substituted loans to federal employees. In order to meet the demand of poor and low-income people it is necessary to integrate diverse financial proposals of various actors, including non-governmental organisations NGOs , governmental authorities and microfinance institutions. According to Mitlin 11 , 1 NGOs concentrate most on communal activities, infrastructure and housing programmes, 2 governmental institutions are relevant for the provision of land of moderate prices supported by housing programmes for poverty reduction and 3 microfinance institutions do focus on the provision of microcredits.
Besides financial instruments, it is particularly necessary to integrate aspects like land tenure, the supply of basic infrastructure and the official registration process into the concept. In this regard HMF implies high risks for both the donor and the borrower hence there is a requirement for financing securities. Furthermore, traditional mortgage loans are only partly accessible for the poor.
As a consequence mechanisms of social control obtain importance. Thereby the strong involvement of individuals within networks guaranty group pressure and social solidarity. Generally the logic of microfinance relies on group-based approaches. It uses social structures as a guarantee. In the field of HMF this can only be applied partly, but land tenure is also a sustainable foundation for neighbourhood relations.
Innovative HMF approaches include financial aspects as well as social, communal and economic development components. Two basic approaches can be distinguished: 1 The neoliberal approach which assumes spill-over effects from loans for income generating activities towards housing, and 2 the advocacy approach which concentrates on the representation of interest of poor people regarding the access to land tenure, basic services and infrastructure facilities cf. Serageldin The first one implies a strong connection of living space and business space and focuses primarily on traditional microfinance schemes6.
The second one strongly concerns community development and socio-political emancipation. Housing Microfinance in Vietnam Even though experience from worldwide application of HMF shows high potentials in meeting the demand of the poor, microfinance remains a neglected topic within Vietnam. The formal financial system is dominated by huge state-owned commercial banks, which claim more than 70 percent of the total market share Trinh 13; World Bank Further shares are held by diverse Joint Stock banks.
Within the course of the doi moi process the banking sector renewed its outreach and diversification. This development follows the liberalisation of interest rates and the enhancement of the general legal framework. Since the overall breakdown of the credit-cooperatives in the mid s new banking forms have been developed. In comparison to other South-East Asian countries microfinance plays only a minor role in the Vietnamese context so far. In this regard this approach is extremely capable in the Vietnamese context.
However, both do not exclusively target the poor. The formal providers are generally supported or enhanced by political mass organisations such as the Vietnamese Women Union VWU , which also acts as a microfinance institution itself. At last informal actors like the Rotating Saving and Credit Associations ROSCA , friends, family and neighbours do play an important role for the poor, but do not officially count as microfinance institutions on the basis of their informal and insecure capacity.
It can be assumed that the limited legal outreach of semiformal institutions, which are not coercively owned by the state, is pivotally depending on the comprehensive market-control-strategy of the Vietnamese Ministry of Finance and the State Bank of Vietnam. So far international and domestic microfinance institutions are only allowed to provide financial services exclusively in cooperation with political mass organisations or state-owned agencies.
This aspect reflects the political dimension of financial services in Vietnam. On the one hand local authorities want to operate as much as possible through state-owned institutions to maintain social control and power relations. On the other hand the deep-rooted networks within the socialist system of Vietnam can be used as a solid foundation for group-based microfinance schemes by all actors. A future-oriented development of the Vietnamese microfinance landscape will require a dialogue between the government, institutions in the sector, donors and the national mass organisations.
Especially the formal microfinance industry and huge parts of the semi-formal sector are strongly dependent on subsidised lending. Thus market-orientated and demanddriven providers face high competitive pressure. In this process highly subsidised state-owned market supply hinders the development of a sustainable microfinance landscape.
The banking system within the financial market is pivotally responsible in how far investments are distributed and who has access to capital. The national capital stock of Vietnam is quite tight, which means that institutions have only limited capital available. This has extreme consequences for the capital-intensive real estate market. So only the most lucrative and high-end projects get financed by the formal sector, including business space, high standard hotel rooms and luxury apartments.
In this situation banks focus on the high end of the market and HMF has a good chance of dealing successfully with the potential poor and low-income segment. However, there is only very limited information about the outreach and the demand available. It can be assumed that specialist housing finance products for the poor are almost non-existent. However, these semiformal institutions face considerable constraints due to their status within the Vietnamese financial landscape and have only limited outreach.
Only a few pilot projects are run by microfinance institutions so far. These projects mainly focus on target groups who emerged from eviction processes in the course of urban upgrading programmes. The national microfinance industry focuses predominantly on income generation activities. However, especially in Vietnam both fields are strongly related to each other and it is unclear in how far business loans are already constantly transferred to housing matters. The lack of available data regarding the demand of the poor for housing aggravates the immature market situation.
Institutions need to conduct their own analyses which are generally quite costly. But the lack of data does not imply a lack of a potential demand. Furthermore, there is a need for the integration of saving products to complement housing loans. This aspect requires strong financial institutions but supports the economisation of existing systems. Innovative approaches promote a step-by-step construction procedure11, combining construction cycles and loan rounds which make both aspects more suitable for the poor.
Resettled households could use their compensation to purchase a plot at 60 percent of the official market value. For house construction they could get a long-term loan of up to 22 million VND at 10 percent interest per year, provided by the CEP. The hard working conditions in industrial zones accompanied by low income-expenditure ratios, a restrictive registration system and a lack of adjusted future-orientated policies hinder the socio-economic integration of migrants in Greater HCMC.
Even though migrants achieve higher incomes compared to where they come from, many of them fail to leave poverty relations. Hereby migrants are the expression of the urbanisation of poverty Jenkins et al. Industrial zone workers in HCMC contribute significantly to the fast growing economy but cannot fully make use of the outcomes and advantages of the prospering development.
The apparent awareness of this gap is lately expressed by an increase of strike-waves and high fluctuation of employees on the run for better working conditions. Regarding financial markets, migrants in HCMC are extremely excluded from services. Consequently, they rely on informal networks, particularly family and friends.
Although high expenditures lower their net incomes, migrant workers are thoroughly able to have remarkable savings. Comparably high savings are mainly a result of their current abstemious life situation. Therefore a high demand on financial services does exist for both remittances to the places of origin to support families and for personal investments or savings for their life in HCMC. Potential savings make migrants highly creditworthy. Furthermore, migrant workers in HCMC are not immigrated individuals but rather embedded in strong social networks.
This makes them extremely qualified for microfinance approaches, which deal predominantly with group based systems. Even though a significant share of migrant workers will return to their places of origin after a period of time, it can be expected that many of them will try to stay in HCMC.
The longterm access to the city is strongly dependent on the registration status and the bureaucratic formalisation process. Only a permanent residency guaranties full social welfare for young migrants and their children. For this purpose migrants need the reliance of local landlords and authorities. Furthermore, the individual future plan will depend on the economic prosperity or failure. On the one hand the labour-intensive export sector employments are particularly linked to the well-being of the world economy.
On the other hand low wages are facing current domestic price storms. Both aspects make migrants extremely vulnerable. Considering the obvious gap between current living circumstances and future aspirations it can be assumed that migrants with stable incomes will leave the industrial backyards of today and move into the urban society of tomorrow.
Many of them will try to find new business opportunities in. In the face of the impressive number of migrant workers who are currently employed in the industrial zones and factory compounds of HCMC, integrative strategies for this specific target group are urgently required to guarantee the future well-being of all city dwellers.
Thereby the field of housing is seen as the most important aspect of sustainable integrative policies. Even though today this might only be possible for a very limited number of people. Conclusions The relationship of migrants and non-migrants in the urban context of Greater HCMC is strongly characterised by high inequalities. It can be expected that this gap might even widen in the near future as migrants face high barriers to prosper socially and economically. Thereby inequality has a strong spatial dimension. The exclusion from public services and urban neighbourhood underline the impact of the rural community.
Within these circumstances, migrants conserve rural lifestyles and traditions. The social dimension of inequality is mostly visible by the constraints given by the law on residency that aggravates further emancipation and hinders comprehensive development. However, new residential policies are coming up and constraints seem to diminish. Thereby the adherence to the ho khau hierarchy can be seen as a constitutive element of transitional Vietnam.
Even though strong inequalities still exist, it can be assumed that a significant share of migrant workers will apply for a permanent residency in the near future, declaring HCMC to their new home. Although migrant workers are not the poorest of the poor, their current living situation is strongly characterised by poverty. The insufficient access to formal financial services intensifies this instance, as migrants are dependent on informal and insecure networks.
On the one hand migrants can be seen as a potential target group for microfinance institutions. On the other hand microfinance institutions in HCMC are potentially able to provide financing schemes to migrant workers. Thus HMF enables migrants to leave boarding houses, which are the physical manifestation of poverty. Notwithstanding these facts, more crucial questions need to be addressed including land use rights, infrastructure and basic services. Regarding this aspect, microfinance institutions have to link up with international NGOs, domestic institutions and local authorities to develop comprehensive concepts.
The expansion process of microfinance in HCMC does strongly rely on the general development of the Vietnamese. Thereby the ongoing reform process and the admission to the World Trade Organisation WTO in January open new opportunities for microfinance providers and NGOs to contribute to the Vietnamese financial market. Furthermore, it can be expected that the microfinance industry will flourish in the near future as latest policies12 only lack implementation.
However, the financial intermediation concerning migrants is estimated to lag behind this development. So far only a few providers are disposed to focus on this specific target group. The expansion of depth and outreach of microfinance in Vietnam requires strong reform processes of both the overall banking system and the microfinance industry itself.
The transformation of the Vietnamese microfinance industry towards a sustainable market has to overcome the microfinance-as-charity approach of today in favour of a demand-driven regular financial landscape of tomorrow. Considering the fact that deficits in urban planning are strongly related to the ongoing expansion process of the megaurban region and that the deficits cross administrative borders, it is necessary to improve the cooperation of HCMC and its surrounding provinces.
A successful integration of migrants into the urban society is pivotally dependent on the access to affordable housing. The reduction of the significant housing deficit can only be advanced through various approaches, such as the integration of housing supply by means of industrial zone planning or the further promotion and development of alternative housing finance schemes.
Thereby all actors have to concentrate on the demand of the poor. Furthermore it is necessary to implement and enhance the New Law of Residency, which offers new opportunities to reduce inequalities between migrants and non-migrants. After all it is required to continue the Vietnamese banking sector reform process to develop comprehensive strategies especially for the non-state sector.
In regards to the above-mentioned challenges, microfinance institutions have to expand both outreach and depth of their services for all poor and low-income people in order to reduce inequalities within Vietnamese society. The requirements are quite high for small organisations, including minimum capital, compulsory savings, etc. World Bank Vie: Poverty assessment. Strategy and Program Assessment.
Hanoi: Author. Dang, N. Opportunities and Challenges for Development. Regional Conference on Migration and Development in Asia. Lanzhou, China. Dang, P. Environmentally Sustainable Urban Development in Vietnam 1. University of Civil Engineering Vietnam. Science Council of Asia, May 12th, Doan, A.
Essays on Regulation and Supervision, No. Gurby, P. Helms, B. Access for All. Building Inclusive Financial Systems. World Bank. New York. Hiep, N. The track records and challenges of housing problem in Ho Chi Minh City at present up to Ho Chi Minh City. Jenkins, P. Planning and Housing in the Rapidly Urbanising World.
Martin, V. Forum der Forschung, 19, MacDonald, J. Milbank Memorial Fund Quarterly, 42, 82— Mitlin, D. Finance for Shelter: recent history, future perspectives. Small Enterprise Development, 14 1 , Nestor, C. Geographical Perspectives. Serageldin, M. Housing Microfinance Initiatives.
Trinh, Tamara Vietnam verstehen. Ein Blick hinter die Zahlen und Fakten. Deutsche Bank Research. Frankfurt am Main. UN Habitat Ed. The Challenge of Slums. Global Report on Human Settlements Hanoi and Ho Chi Minh City. Waibel, M. ASIEN, , Sustainable Housing Policies for Megacities of Tomorrow. Action Field 4. Housing Market and Provision. Second Interim Report. April 30, World Bank Ed. Housing Finance in East Asia. Promoting Outreach, Efficiency and Sustainability. If the middle class es within societies of the Global South again are mentioned, this is usually done in simplified way.
The GICs can be considered to be part of the service or white collar proletariat of the North but at the same time to be part of the middle class in the society of their origin in this case: the Philippines. They are working at transnational working places and can be considered sociocultural migrants.
Kritiker dieses Ansatzes machen auch die VerliererInnen sichtbar. Preliminary Remarks Studying societies of the Global South — esp. I think that an important group of people from the South is only scantly covered by it. Not only in mainstream media, but also in much of the literature social differences let alone inequalities are not problematized.
The middle class within societies of the Global South is hardly taken into consideration and if it is, this is usually done in an underdifferentiated way. The GICs can be considered as part of the service or white collar proletariat of the North but at the same time as part of the middle class in the society of their origin in this case: the Philippines. Goldthorpe , this is even intensified for GICs working and living in between the worlds and the class positions.
GIC is a heuristic term and a work in progress. Developing this concept is part of a longer research project, which wants to identify the sense of citizenship within the globally exposed and connected marginal middle class in the Philippines. The notion of citizenship I want to draw on expresses itself in a political agency and b a sense of entitlement to social and public services.
It is not necessarily linked to a sense of nationalism and a clear identification with one nation state. The first step in this research is to identify this globally exposed and connected marginal middle class in the Philippines. This article serves as a first step to do so. For now I am focusing on four groups which possibly are GICs: Overseas Contract Workers with a professional educational background teachers, doctors and nurses, technical training etc.
In November I did a research project on international call centers in Manila and Davao, conducting semi-structured interviews with 12 call center agents and several expert interviews Reese Therefore they will serve as major example to empirically ground my theoretical concept, even though they probably will not be the central focus of the further research for reasons see below. In July and August I discussed the first draft of this article with several people in the Philippines Reese and I will try to include the outcomes in this presentation. Maraming Salamat! I have been working for an information office on the Philippines in Germany www.
Last but not least I like to mention the more than insightful Master thesis of the Filipina sociologist Aya Fabros on which I draw more than once during the article. International call centers are one of the fastest growing industries in the country. The boom is due to the fact that there is a redirection of business process outsorcing from India to the Philippines by US-clients see in detail Fabros Especially in an industry close to the customer like the call centers there have been regular complaints from American customers that they can hardly understand the British coloured English of the Indian agents.
A market gap for the former American colony Philippines, which like India, possesses a well-trained and computer-literate population and in addition has one of the largest English-speaking populations in the world. Due to the colonial past and the neo-colonial present Filipinos and Filipinas are more familiar with US-culture, particularly with American expressions and places, than other English-speaking low-wage economies. Labour costs are even slightly below those in India.
In the Philippines companies must pay only about a fifth of what they are paying their employees in the US. At the same time the payment is what is mentioned first when asked for the motivation to work in an international call center. One earns much more in an international call center in Manila than in local jobs which college graduates can take up. A teacher e. This is if graduates find a job at all!
The unemployment rate is especially high for young people and for college graduates. According to the Labour Force Survey, Getting a job in the public sector is a tedious affair. Getting a job in a call center in contrast formally does not even require a college degree and allows immediate hiring. In a country where social mobility is significantly restricted, going abroad or working for foreign clients is a not to be underestimated avenue for upward mobility. The lack of job prospects for Filipinos with ample education fuels the migration of highly skilled workers like nurses or doctors applying to be a nurse overseas teachers or even law graduates and engineers.
It seems however, that call centers do not serve as an alternative to migration but more as a deferment of and preparation for migration. Call center companies unlike many other companies furthermore offer social security contributions which are really remitted to the social security system. Some even offer an extra health insurance supplementing the only basic payments of the mandatory health insurance Philhealth. The working conditions on the other hand do not belong to what makes the call center jobs attractive.
Many of the problems call center agents encounter during their work resemble those of a factory job: high work speed and frequently changing shifts are just two of several bad conditions. This work routine has resulted in various health problems for agents. Furthermore they encounter job-specific impertinences like frequently disrespectful and racist insults on the part of the person they are talking to.
As a good portion of the accounts in the Philippines are outsourced from the USA and Canada, most shifts are in line with North American day time. The hour difference translates to peak working hours from 6pm to 6am Manila time. Adding to the changing shifts night work implicates that agents can hardly plan their week and are pulled out of the social rhythms of the remaining society due to the differing working hours.
They then develop new friend networks which are composed usually of colleagues. The commonalities with the transnational family lives of Overseas Contract Workers OCWs seem compelling see Fabros for an example. But call centers do not seem to be considered life-time jobs.
Many agents drop out after a while. Only for those, whose tasks are within range of what they have studied IT-consultants e.