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Identity, Conflict and Politics in Turkey, Iran and Pakistan

She then looks at changes in French nationality law in comparison with roughly concurrent changes in Germany and Britain Chapter 6. Finally, in Chapter 11 Thomas discusses how her framework can be applied to issues of political membership on a supra-national level, looking both at European citizenship and at globalisation. She then offers perspectives for further research into globalisation, arguing that even postnational conceptions of belonging can draw hierarchical distinc- tions between members that her framework would help elucidate.

Thomas amply demonstrates the wide applicability of her framework, shedding light in the process on key controversies of recent years in France, Britain and Europe as a whole. Her generally thorough and clear demonstration does raise several ques- tions.

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Perhaps this confusion is negligible — semantic, above all — in the way that many ideal types require a bit of flexibility in practice. Yet more discussion of this question seems warranted. Nevertheless, the depth of the questions raised demonstrates the potential for fruitful further study, engaging with this well-written, widely documented, clear, important work.

She thus makes a practical as well as theoretical argument against traditional con- ceptions of political membership. New York: Cambridge Univer- sity Press, , pp.


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Although the official narratives of Turkey construct and reproduce a national myth about rescuing of Turkish Jews in Europe from the Nazi persecution in the course of the Holocaust, Guttstadt aims to challenge this dominant political rhetoric by taking into account the perceptions and experiences of Turkish Jews. Without falling into the trap of anachronistic interpretations pertaining to the Holocaust, Guttstadt seeks to put forward a historical perspective while problematising the minority politics and ambivalent policies of the Turkish state. Although the situation and the massacre of Jews of Turkish citizenship have found little space in the Holocaust literature, Guttstadt discusses the role of Turkey regarding anti-Semitic violence in Europe and the effect of Turkification policies encircled by nationalist and religious aspirations on the fate of the Jewish community.

The book begins with an analysis of the status of Jews in the Turkish Republic with reference to the restrictions and repressive measures of the state to establish a homo- geneous nation-state by eradicating the Ottoman heritage of an ethnically and reli- giously heterogeneous population. Thus, the mass emigration of Jews from Turkey became inevitable due to these anti-Jewish policies. More importantly, Guttstadt transcends the accounts that propound German influence on the discrimi- natory measures of the Turkish state and asserts the unique features of Turkish nation- alism as the main catalyst for this forced assimilation.

Drawing on the national socialist epoch — , the first part calls attention to four remark- able points.

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More specifically, the citizenship stripping targeting Jews was put into effect by the Turkish government, beginning in the late s p. Thirdly, although Guttstadt is aware of the incomparable condition of anti-Semitism in Turkey by contrast with that in Nazi Germany, she underscores the attacks in Thrace against Jews , the forced military labour recruitment for non-Muslim men and the Wealth Tax , and the long-standing consequences of these events for the Jews in Turkey. The author unveils the contradictory discourses and practices of the Turkish state with regard to its Jewish citizens which is one of the most overlooked aspects of the Holocaust research.

This book is also able to disclose the multifaceted collaboration between the anti-minority politics and the national myth of tolerance in the context of the anti-Semitic violence in both Turkey and Europe. Although Guttstadt presents convincing historical evidence and archival materials about the events and interna- tional correspondence between the countries, the link between the historical context and her arguments needs to be developed in a more structured way.

Identity, Conflict and Politics in Turkey, Iran and Pakistan | Hurst Publishers

Furthermore, the pivotal criticism of Turkey in terms of violating its obligation to protect its Jewish citizens would have been addressed along with the tendency of the Turkish state to deny its responsibility for the Armenian Genocide. All in all, this well-researched book gives insight into the analyses on the Holocaust, minority politics, nationalism and the Jewish community in Turkey and Europe, and might attract a large readership inter- ested in these fields. The title of The Antiquity of the Italian Nation is, perhaps deliberately, slightly mis- leading. For anyone expecting an ethno-symbolist account of Italian history in the style of A.

The subtitle The Cultural Origins of a Political Myth, however, does not describe the content of this book very well either.

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In all of the seven chapters, which are organised in strict chronological order, the focus is on one or a group of historians and sometimes anthropologists and their conceptualisations of Italian antiquity. De Francesco pays close attention not only to the various political aims connected to the writing of Italian history, but also to the divergent questions historians asked over this period. It is therefore neither really an account of the cultural origins nor about Antiquity itself; it is a history book about historians. Taking Cuoco as a starting point, De Francesco then uses the next chapters to carefully construct a network of interlocutors, who all have their own theories, but reference and criticise each other.

After these chapters dealing with the origins of all of Italy, the fourth chapter is focused on questions of the south, specifically in the work of Giacomo Racciopi. Here, De Francesco opens up a theme which is closely tied in with the next few chapters. From the questions of the south and brigandage, we move on to the paradigm of race; carefully constructed, this chapter deals not only with the methodology but also the mind-set and the various influences of writers like Brizio and Pigorini.

Apart from the focus on the various historians and their status within Italian political debates, this part of the book also offers a sensitive reading of the adherence but also the resistance to new methodologies shown in the later decades of the nineteenth century. The book culminates, and finishes perhaps rather abruptly, with an analysis of fascist constructions of history. Everything seems in flux in the time-space con- tinuum outlined here.

This book is not just concerned with the political landscape and the historians place within it; de Francesco also pays close attention to method- ology and to relate the Italian scene to more international, in this case: European changes in history writing; a time when major influences came first from France and then from Germany. One really needs to read carefully in order not to be lost between on the one hand, the historians, but on the other hand, the real or purported story of antiquity itself.

De Francesco shows great understand- ing and an incredible control of the literature, most of which probably unknown within English-speaking academia. As De Francesco himself admits, e. If there is one major downside to this book, it is that the question of political relevance remains virtually untouched. It becomes very obvious how the politics shaped the history writing, but less clear whether, and if so how, the historians influenced the politicians, if they were not themselves politically active.

Varieties of Gov- ernance in Bulgaria, Macedonia, and Kosovo. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, , pp. The puzzle starts from two major questions about violence in the contemporary world: why do ethnonationalist conflicts reach different levels of violence and why do they often persist despite strong international conflict resolution and peace- and institution- building programmes? Looking at three different case studies from the postcommunist space, Maria Koinova tackles these issues by analysing three different case studies: Bulgaria which was characterised by low levels of violence after the communist regime collapsed, Macedonia which experienced mid-range levels violence, and Kosovo which saw high levels of violence.

The issue of ethnonationalist conflict is thus approached through a decade-long comparative study of three countries where majority—minority relations escalated to different degrees of violence after the end of communism. The three cases were selected because they provide variation on an explanatory variable, the relative change of minority status which starts a chain of sequences of majority— minority interactions during a critical juncture.

Based on a rich and critical analysis of the existent literature, the author intends to shift the focus from a particular phenomenon to the relationships between the agents involved. She identifies mechanisms that span ethnonationalist phenomena and explores why relationships among agents in a conflict become more or less violent over time.

The method is at the nexus of comparative historical scholarship on path- dependence, timing and sequencing of policies, democratisation and conflict, and inter- national intervention. After the first period, the relations between agents became locked in dynamics — conflictual, semi-conflictual, or cooperative — that became self-perpetuating and informally institutionalised over time.

Finally, exogenous shocks and mechanisms of gradual change altered aspects of the established conflict dynamics, but without changing them completely. The book is well written and follows a very coherent structure: after the intro- duction presenting the main arguments of the author, the first chapter tackles the developments of the majority—minority relationships and the formation of informally institutionalised conflict dynamics in the three countries during the critical juncture. The second chapter deals with the self-reinforcement mechanisms and processes and their timing and sequencing, such as the advantage of political incumbency and adaptative expectations.

The third chapter analyses the impact of international agents during the critical juncture, while the fourth chapter shows processes of self- reinforcement and adaptation in a triangular relationship and the influence of exog- enous shocks and European Union EU integration. The fifth chapter deals with a final set of actors, kin-states and diasporas. The author shows even how her conclusions can help the understanding of other cases such as Romania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Georgia and places beyond the postcommunist world. It is indispensable reading, and strongly recommended for anyone seeking to study ethnicity, identity politics, and conflict in Turkey, Iran and Pakistan and beyond.

This hugely appealing text focuses on the complex interplay between politics and identity, providing many insights into the puzzle-like issues of identity politics in Turkey, Iran and Pakistan. Subscribers receive exclusive discounts and early access to new books from Hurst. I consent for my email address to be transferred to Mailchimp. Bibliographic Details. Inspection Copy Request. Editorial Board. Since the Constitutional Revolution of , successive regimes in Iran promoted competing conceptions of Iranian national identity. Competing discourses around nation building and identity strikingly intersect with the struggle for democratization in Iran.

Since the Islamic Revolution, the pro-democracy movement in the country takes place on two fronts: the confrontation between the conservatives and the reformists, and the challenge posed by the ethnic movements towards the official denial of the ethnic and religious diversity of Iran.


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